RESEARCH LETTER OF POLITICAL SCIENSE
Year:2009 | Volume:4 | Issue:2 (14)|Papers Count:7

The EU is one of the most important international actors from both political and economic points of view being also attractive for non-member states. This union has provided certain criteria for applicants without conformity with which new membership is not possible. Among the political criteria we may refer to the establishment of stable institutions that guarantee democracy, rule of law, human rights and minorities rights. On the other hand, one of the most essential political goals of Turkey from the beginning of its republican government has been approaching and joining the European Community. Turkey had taken an action to make a national program in this respect for attaining the above mentioned goals and conforming to the legal provisions of the EU. Accordingly, we witness developments in the field of minorities rights and particularly the cultural rights of Turkish Kurds as a result of the implementation of the above mentioned program during 1991-2002.

One of the topics gaining an ever increasing significance in the current political and international developments is human rights and its consequences for the sovereignty of states. Human rights is a multi dimensional and manifold issue the various aspects of which can be investigated in the cultural, civilizational, and religious aspects on the one hand, and legal, sovereignty and security fields on the other hand. The present article studies the relation between the sovereignty of states and human rights analyzing the human rights resolutions against Iran in terms of their influence on the sovereignty of states. In this article, the contents of the D.N resolutions against Iran in the past three decades are analyzed as far as the sovereignty of state is concerned. We would also survey the relation between the sovereignty of states and human rights, as well as classification of the resolutions issued against Iran studying them in terms of the national sovereignty of Iran.

The main purpose of the present article is a study of the social trends of Iranian and American societies towards each other. The main question of the article is: what is the attitude of Iranians and Americans towards each other’s countries and how this influences the relations between the two states? A short survey on contemporary literature of Iran-US relations manifests that the main trend of the literature available is concentrated on states, governments and officials. That is why a different study on the two countries societies is necessary i.e. one concentrating on social inclinations and attitudes. According to the constructivist approach, all social phenomena including foreign policy are socially constructed. Surveying some opinion polls and attitude poll, I shall endeavor to prove that the current situation of the relations between the two countries is not irrelevant to the prevalent attitudes among the people in the two societies. That can be one of the obstacles of the solution of the crisis in Iran-US relations. Although the people of the two countries may have some pessimistic views toward each other, they do not agree with confrontation and struggle seeking a gradual settlement of the current problems.

Discourse analysis as one of the methods of study of phenomena in humanities addresses the impact of systematic ideas and thoughts on social affairs .Each discourse system has got three characteristics: dominance, opposition, and agency. According to the dominance project, a system attempts to dominate on a society as a whole. This system needs an external "other" to justify its own existence. While a discourse system loses its justifying competency, its forces start redefining that discourse automatically. Following Banisadr's deposal from presidency, lslamism discourse dominated by putting aside the liberal-national discourse. This discourse, surviving up to now, has focused on signifiers as: social justice, defense of the oppressed, anti-oppression campaign; and redefined the west, especially the US ,as an external "other". Focusing on signifiers as security and power, the micro-discourses of this dominant discourse have marked its core signifiers. Therefore, adopting such an approach, we will compare two dominant discourses: the value-oriented idealism, and the value-oriented ideological pragmatism which occurred during two periods, 1360-68, and from 1384 up to now. Because of insisting on signifiers of Islamism such as social justice, anti-oppression campaign, defense of the oppressed and anti-arrogance. These two discourses have similar contents in spite of certain formal distinctions. The present article examines this formal distinction and content similarity in three levels: micro-in case of Afghanistan and Iraq-, meso-in case of Lebanon and Palestine-, and macro in that of the US and Britain.

The aim of this article is to analyze anarchy-war relationship, In this regard; first, the debate among scholars of International Relations over the relationship is presented, Second, Hobbesian view in IR thought, creation of contract, hierarchy! Anarchy dichotomy and anarchic situation! structure are challenged based on Ferdowsian thought. Third, studying the concept of war in Shahnameh and its examples, we would argue that, before anything, intentions of agents give rise &0the outbreak of wars, Fourth, focusing on agency-oriented view of Ferdowsi, and his emphasis on applying reason, a solution for constraining wars is proposed, Lastly, summing up the materials, the possibility and the applicability of Ferdowsi's view in contemporary international relations is assessed.

During Bush presidency, the crises in the Middle East were on the increase. Of course the Middle East countries have always been in a conflicting geopolitical atmosphere. One of the principal causes of this increase in the crises could be the delay in state building and the interference of the big powers in the region. However, the variety of economic resources in this region has paved the way for more conflicts. Following the September 11 event, using its military and strategic powers, the V.S reconstructed its position, signs of which may be seen in its military campaign against Iraq. The present article seeks to prove that the regional challenges and the Bush war led to the continuation of the crisis. Generally, the September 11 event and the war in Iraq have given rise to the promotion of terrorism discourse by the V.S, thus preparing the grounds for activating the strategy of campaign against terrorism. Nevertheless, the region has not seen a relative balance of powers. Transience from the regional crises requires the reconstruction of the relations among the Middle East countries so that it can provide the possibility of the moderation of relations of the big powers with the regional actors. Military measures, the strategy of changing regimes, the theory of the Great Middle East, expansion of the military bases, and lack of the balance of powers are considered the main factors of the continuation of the Middle East crises.

Soft power points to a set of a country's resources and capabilities such as culture, ideals, and ethical values that indirectly affect the interests and behaviours of other countries. Utilizing this dimension of power reduces the costs of other tangible elements of power. This study aims at analyzing the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in various geopolitical regions and comparing the public opinion of these regions as far as Iran's soft power is concerned. This study applies descriptive-analytical methods and matrix measurement model to identify the relative weight and status of applying the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in seven geopolitical regions, on the basis of eighteen indicators of ten components of different countries soft power measurement. Data has been collected from library and internet sources. Attempts have also been made to utilize the latest and most certified statistical and descriptive information of local, regional and international study centres. Findings of this research indicate that the Islamic republic of Iran has possessed the most part of soft power's standards among the countries of Eurasian region (28.76%) and the least ratio in Latin American one (69.3%). This study also indicates that Iran has acquired the maximum of her soft power's influence in countries with the biggest Persian speaking populations. Furthermore, Iran has been most successful in applying various elements of soft power, by her effective ability to make use of Iranology institutions in other countries.