SHIITE STUDIES
Year:2012 | Volume:9 | Issue:4 (36)|Papers Count:8

This article is a glance at some problems and viewpoints concerning the British Shi'a Muslim minority. Derived from a greater work of the author at the level of a Ph.D. dissertation, this paper gives heed to the identity condition of a Shi'a Muslim in Britain and tries to answer questions like: Who am I? What am I doing here? And Where am I? The answers, of course, are delivered in terms of the condition of British Shi'a Muslim citizens.The main purpose of this paper is to investigate "the mixture of British Shi'a Muslims with mother society". The author also explains methods by which he is to find out the answer of his questions concerning this goal and its following results. Using published statistical charts on the census of 2001 and some other researches made in this regard and by pointing to some personal findings obtained through questionnaires, the author tries to reinforce the scientific and discursive dimensions of this survey.

The victory of the Islamic revolution of Iran in the final decades of the 20th century was the source of great changes in the world. Putting out the light of the era of religious disbelief, the Islamic revolution also had a deep influence on Muslim nations. Undoubtedly, Shi'ite nations, the Shi'a minority in Saudi Arabia among them, because of their vast similarities with Iranian Shi'a Muslims, were influenced more than others.The victory of the Islamic revolution and its foreign policy was a turning point in the movement of Shi'a Muslims in Saudi Arabia towards attaining their rights by challenging the ruling power, in a manner that the government of Saudi Arabia was forced to adopt two kinds of strategies against them: positive and negative.In the negative dimension, they tried to engage them in religious disagreements with the Sunnis and marginalize them in order that they turn their attention away from Iran. Also, in the positive dimension, they proceeded to devise some plans to neutralize the hidden potential and power of the Shi'as of this country. This article aims to investigate the Shi'ite movement in Saudi Arabia and the impact of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on it and its inner development.

Due to their longtime history in religious endeavors for the revival of Islam, Islamic movements in Iran and Egypt possess an important role in both Shi'ism and Sunnism, because they have put a great influence on all political developments and Islamic movements within the Islamic world.Returning to Islamic values and the revival of original Islam as the sole resolution for escaping the current crises plaguing the Islamic world is the focus of their common concern. This article aims to find their similarities and dissimilarities in facing the existent crises in the Islamic world and to perform a comparative survey on their theoretical and practical views in regards to returning to Islam, revival of values, enacting Islamic law, and struggling with challenges, while taking into consideration the bases of thought and practical methodologies of each of the respective denominations (Sunnism and Shi'ism).

The battles between the 'Ottoman empire and the Safavid sultanate for control over Shi'ite cities in Iraq and Irvan during the reign of Sultan Murad IV and also, the ten year struggle and conflict between the Saffavid kings and 'Ottoman/Turkish sultans to reach military dominance over Iraq and Irvan is considered a short but important part of the history of 'Ottoman Empire and Safavid relations. In this period, the Safavids made no effort to restore their sovereignty over Shi'ite cities of Iraq. They even forced to submit a contract which was to Turkish interest. The Shi'a community, in the meanwhile, was the one to pay the price for the economical-military ambitions of Sultan Murad IV in expanding eastern borders on one hand, and indolence and complacence of Shah Safi on the other, with their blood and the loss of their sacred cities. By virtue of the Zahab contract, the 'Ottoman Empire gained some advantages in political, ideological, and economical realms. As for the political dimension, they controlled military campaigning of Sultan Murad. And by isolating Iraqi sacred cities from the Safavids' Sultanate and officially annexing Iraq to the 'Ottoman Empire, they damaged the ideological sovereignty of Safavids. Also in economical dimension, they strengthened their control over economical sources of Iraqi Shi'ites by closing down western commercial roads of Iran. The idea of some orientalists such as Bernard Lewis and Rudi Matthee that the religious and ideological dimensions of sacred cities of Iraq are disregarded can be corrected and completed.

Descendants of the Prophet emerged as an important and prominent social class during the time of Timur the Lame, one of the greatest conquerors in the history of Iran, who greatly honored them. He benefited from them in different political, cultural, and social purposes and many of them served him in various roles such as ambassador, spy, adviser, mentor, and teacher of ethics. In return, he not only spared them from mass murder, but he entrusted them with certain facilities such as fief and administration of endowments. Descendants of the Prophet were greatly respected and honored among both Shi'a and Sunni Muslims. The reason for their soft stance towards Timur and his government was his copious favors, and this in turn resulted in the rest of the people sharing the same stance towards his government. Undoubtedly, the great status of the descendents of the Prophet during Temur's time was a factor in spreading Shi'ism in that day and age.

The personality of Karkia Khan Ahmad II has been very influential in different political events of Gilan. He was an adventurer, ambitious, a smart politician, and a skillful poet who exhibited great fervency when it came to Imami Shi'ism.This survey tries to investigate and find out his religious beliefs by examining different dimensions of his personality and his government in Gilan (943-975 & 985-1000 AH). Many historical sources consider him as a fanatic believer in Shi'ism. But by observing and analyzing his activities it can be proven that he just pretended to be a fanatic Shi'a due to some political motives.

"The commentary of Nahj al-Balagha" written by Ibn Abi al-Hadid Mu'tazili is among the considerable commentaries on Nahj al-Balagha. The methods and techniques he enjoyed in his work are noteworthy, yet, like other commentators of the Nahj al-Balagha, he was not immune from methodic errors in dealing with the words of Imam Ali. Thus, there have been several critiques leveled against his work. Theological impressions and sectarianism are among the most important of them which originate from his religious prejudice and grudge against the Shi'a. Wrong interpretations and justifications, making unsound analogies and fallacies, ignorance of Shi'ite traditions in theological debates, and refuting Shi'ite creeds through the words of Imam Ali are among techniques he employed in his antagonistic commentary on the Nahj al-Balagha. This article, therefore, is going to deal with these critiques, after raising the critiques of prominent commentators of the Nahj al-Balagha against Ibn Abi al-Hadid, we will analyze and examine them.