Political and International Approaches
Year:2008 | Volume:- | Issue:14|Papers Count:8

What in Hermeneutics and the domain of political thought is considered as the main question: "what approach should be adopted for understanding the meaning of a text or essay?" To answer this question, textualism and theme tendency for reviewing and interpretation of thoughts and ideas have been formed. A third approach in reaction to those two approaches has been materialized with emphasis on linguistic topics and author's aim and intention. This third approach in the domain of political thought is mostly shown in the beliefs of the political thought historian, Quentin Skinner. Skinner is the professor of political science in Cambridge University. In his opinion, the text is a realization of an intentional communicative act in a particular ideological-historical and intellectual atmosphere. Each sentence contains a particular intention about a particular case or opportunity aimed at solving a particular problem. Within the domain of thought and philosophy, there are no permanent and common questions or problems and no permanent and meta-time answers. He is of the belief that in order to understand the meaning of the text which is the objective visualization of writer's intention and aim, it is essential to comprehend his/her thoughts. This purpose of course is not solely mental but is also a social act which finds objectivity in the time of author's language. In order to comprehend the aim and intention of an author, in addition to the language and concepts of his time, it is also necessary to know the social, historical and intellectual background and foundations of his/her era.

Rawls together with Habermas are two outstanding political philosophers of our times. Considering Rawls's methodical and theoretical logic in political philosophy cannot be neglected due to many reasons. Rawls's political philosophy, while susceptive of ideological paradoxes, is a unique, risky, ambitious and unparalleled philosophy. Therefore, reviewing the logic of such philosophy can produce a prospective of problems and challenges of these types of theories in the modem world. Theory Justice (1971) transformed the modem socio-political theories of modem world a great deal and blew a new air on it. In reality, Rawls revived the moribund Anglo- American political philosophy of the first half of Twenties Century.Therefore, searching into it can show and analyze its dynamics and shortcomings.

Globalization is undoubtedly the dominant slogan of our time. A large majority of theoreticians of different schools believe in a common vision that "globalization" is something that differentiates our times. Even though, as far as goals and applications of this concept are concerned; different and at times contradictory evaluations have been offered. These contradictions indicated that concept of globalization differs depending on various theoretical beliefs and views from which it is looked at and therefore, the methods of analysis and conclusion of such concept should be considered with hesitation and deliberation.In this article, taking for granted that globalization is a multi - dimensional, dominant and inevitable process; this very basic question is brought up " are underdeveloped countries able, willing and in command of the determination to resist this process?

Question: social inequalities as a social fact have received much theoretical and experimental attention. The main reason for receiving so much attention is due to many consequences it might have for social system. At the same time, various factors influence different types of social inequalities. One of the important elements impacting the distribution system of valuable resources and consequently nature of social inequalities would be the role and place of the government. The present study, after reviewing different theories on relation of government and social inequalities, makes an experimental study of variables connected to the relation of government and social inequalities.Method: the present study has been carried out through benefiting from comparative nation-wide method and has made a study of 70 countries. The data used has been selected from credible international data sources and has been analyzed accordingly.Findings: the findings of this research show that Latin American and African countries located on the south of the Sahara have the most and countries of Eastern Europe and Commonwealth have the least income inequality. Findings also show that government can be effective on income inequalities through its opportunity and resource structures. The results also show that among the opportunity structure variables of the government, political participation variable has a meaningful and decreasing relation and from resource structures variables of the government, the size of government has an increasing and meaningful relation with income inequality.

The aim of the present article is to look for possibility of forming a new multi- visional approach in the regional and international level in accordance with fundamentals of New Realism and relations based on cultural dialogue between Iranian and African rich cultures in order to determine the possibilities of each side to make this approach a successful project.Findings of this research are based on descriptive-analytic method relying on objective-historical data and profiting from libraries and demonstrate that the most important factors influencing the expansion of this process would be; sharing common historical backgrounds and cultural values, having common visions and risks, common religion, and also Iran's insistence on importance of African role and status of African culture in the process of dialogue between cultures. The condition for succeeding in this process would be to create and expand an active civil society in these countries and emphasizing on a deep study on the culture and civilization of these societies by experts and knowledgeable people and offer it at international level.

In spite of the fact that Kurds were one of the two main ethnical founders of political system of Iranian Empire, in this article the nature of political participation of Kurd in the future structure of Iran after 2003's changes in Iraq is discussed. Supposing that Kurds are committed to keep their Iranian identity, political consent of two sides- the Kurds and Central Government of Iran -can take three directions; continuation of centralism in monosystemic structure, administrative decentralization and finally multi-systemic federal structure.In the modern world, due to preference of sovereignty of Man over meaningful values on one hand and achievements of the West on the other hand, this knowledge has been shaped that nation-state is the only institution that ponders the nature of Man and due to his own decision this institution is responsible for his wishes. However, fulfillment of spiritual values such as religion and ethnicity points to Man's submission to an authority in search of meaning.In spite of these epistemic achievements in the modem world, Ottoman Empire victories in its wars against Iran forced the Kurds to flee and settle down in four countries (Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Russia) outside Iranian cultural domain and at the same time become more sensitive and more political. This process resulted in turning some Kurdish groups in the direction of fundamental ethnical or religious approach in different countries.However, establishment of "Iran Party" with a nationalist Kurd at the top and having two more Kurds as leaders of National Front and occupying the post of speaker of the seventh and eighth political- executive management system after the Islamic revolution indicates that a majority of Iranian Kurd population are very much conscious of their national identity. Even though Kurds are conscious of this common historical background with Iran, at times fundamental dispute against layers of national identity, with roots in other countries, is drawn into political boundaries of Iran. Considering the dual nature of this idealism and emotional wonderings and counting of the risks coming out of political-ethnical or religious radicalism; the world powers are against the rebirth of outdated ethnical-sectarian empires and at the same time countries of the region are thoughtful of the consequences of such event in their own territorial integrity. While Modernism and post- modernism are setting the atmosphere for Human Rule and Respect, reviving visions toward an elementary order in the form of ethnocentrism brings about the fear that political future of Middle East will be the arena of cultural wars similar to those fought in Sixteen and Seventeen Century Europe. This is a factor that brings a kind of proximity in the security vision of involved regional and world powers. The countries situated in this region are going through the transition period and this is one of the causes changing the meaningful ethnical-religious cultural values into dogmatic behavior in the region. This down trend of concepts towards provoked behavior is most likely an inner factor which plays a more important role than foreign impacts on the complexity of Kurds' problems. To study the subject, efforts have been made in this article to maintain a totally scientific approach without any political or religious dogmatism. The writers intend to analyze the impacts of Federalism in Iraq on political and ethnical behavior of Iranian Kurds and study this issue.

Identity as a mean of differentiation and similarities directs knowledge. Each agent due to his civilized nature must realize many identities at different levels. Personal identity, ethnical identity, national identity, supernational and sub-national identities, structure the hierarchy of an agent's identity. Some of these identities are acquisitive and selective while others are non-acquisitive and substantive which of course would vary depending on the structural conditions and opportunities available to the agent. National and ethnical identities have certain common elements and components such as culture, history, language, land, religion and race. National identity within itself includes some elements and components resulting in being higher up in the identity hierarchy as compared to ethnical identity. Sovereignty, government, independence, bureaucracy, national economics, defense mechanism and army are some of the components included only in the national identity. Ethnical identity is a subset of national identity and is always in a structural relation to it. Such structural relation depends on the conditions of the structure, particularities of the agent, interconnection of structure and agent and may be analyzed within the framework of four strategies; reinforcement, parallelism, destruction and incorporation. In this research, efforts have been made to clarify the implemented strategy of Azari and Farsi parts of Kurdish student publications towards ethnical and national identity and also the measure of their convergence and dispersion of national identity by analyzing the content of such publications. The results of analysis of the Azari publications show that the direction of their strategy points towards destruction and incorporation while the Farsi part of Kurdish publication leans towards parallelism and incorporation.