JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES
Year:2005 | Volume:15 | Issue:55|Papers Count:14

The Brothers Party was one of the political parties founded after shahrivar (September) in 1320 H.S. (1941). This party was based on 12 articles which can be summarized in one statement: "Keeping Iran's independence under the protection of shia Jafari religion". The party identified itself as a Theopolitical party which may have officially begun work in the year 1321 H.S. (1942). According to the 14 article agreement, the party had a central committee including 12 people and 10 agent.Nonetheless, it was virtually based on the infrastructure of a religious party. Although the party comprised of many members, it was generally led by only one individual. Consequently, a few party -like conventional activities could be found within this party. The central members of the party did not seem too keen of following the disciplines of a social organization.This party believed and emphasized on the fact that religious rules must be applied with the government acting as the enforcing agent. They also believed that their very responsibility was to fight against transgressions, antireligious beliefs, and atheism. The party also had political intentions to takeover powerful institutions. However, they showed no loyalty to the principles brought forth in their agreement.The personal characteristics of the party leader and his strong relations to the clerics' family initially attracted many to the party. Yet, the strong desire for power among the leaders of the party and the creation of disarray between the youth and the clerics left the party devoid of the wise and the famous. Having new ideas and acceptable social achievements in the early days of its advent, reflected the party as an intellectual group. However, the party's position on the nationalization of oil movement and Mosaddegh's Ministry was lenient toward the shah and the kingdom which eventually led to dishonor and disgrace.

Enlightening, intellectuality and social criticism are related concepts. Nevertheless, not every enlightener and intellectual can necessarily be considered as a social critic. The present paper is intended to analyze Talebov's ideas as a social and political intellectual / enlightener in the context of the social beliefs and his ways of challenging these conditions. In this study, Talebov's works has been analyzed based on discourse analysis.

Discourse analysis is rooted in the structure of a language and as a fundamental scale is of great significance. In the post-structuralism perspective, discourse analysis crosses the borders of language and goes into the essence of meaning. Scientific movement including structuralism, formalism, and modernism in literary analysis; semiotics, hermeneutics and post-structuralism in the form of language, meaning and text have come to help discourse analysis. By analyzing bigger chunks of statements and the have come to help discourse analysis. By analyzing bigger chunks of statements and the whys/hows of language use, linguistics has opened new spaces for discourse analysis. This has been carried out in two ways: discourse and the act of meaning making where Austin, Witgenestein, Saussaur, Barte, Derrida, Foucault, and Norman Fairclaugh, have played major roles. The discourse analysis viewpoint also emphasizes on meaning-making and freeing the text from a holistic, general and one-for-all meaning and the multiplicity of meanings hidden within the text has led to a variety of ideas regarding "meaning". In this field, Foucault, La kuoo, and Moufett are known as the most prominent figures. These historical efforts in half a century have led to the expansion of the concept of discourse and ways of discourse analysis. The theories of critical discourse analysis which has generally been shaped in the postmodern thought basis also have taken the text, author, reader and the context into account,.They have also reshaped and deconstructed the text and have created many new ideas in the realm of discourse analysis. In the present paper, it is intended to deconstruct the Command of Constitutionalism as an exceedingly significant historical document and locate the discourse gaps in them. The main subject of this paper is the critical analysis of the Command of Constitutionalism Text in the form of a discourse theory. The methodology has been taken from Norman Fairclaugh's style. The results show that there has been a new discourse gap :tromthe side of the modem discourses in the traditional discourse formed in the Ghajri Dynasty.

Idrisids were the first Alawid state in west Aghsa who gained their independence from the Abbasid caliphates by Idris ibn Abdollah Hassani in 172 Hjri/788 B.C. There exists great controversy among historians regarding Idrisid's religion i.e. whether they were shiaor not. Some have regarded them as Motazila and some considered them to be Shia without pointing to any particular sect type while others have called them Motazila Shia and some have used just the term Alawi to describe them. In this paper, after an analysis of different viewpoints of historians, it is concluded that most probably the Idrisis were Zaidi Shias according to historical evidences and documents. On the other hand, their fundamental beliefs indicated that they could also be Motazili and their minor beliefs they were following Hanafite jurisprudence rules. But they never officially announced their religion due to political reasons.

Subsequent to the Mongol's raid, many social, economic and cultural centers of Iran were demolished. But with the help of Iranian officials various parts of the country was rebuilt. One of the Iranian officials who had a prominent role in this reconstruction was Rashideddin Fadhollah Hamdoni, the minister of three Ilkhans: Ghazan, Oljaytoo, and Aboosaeed. Not only did he have a political position, he also had every intention to reduce the aftermath of Mongols' raid in Iran. Establishing the Raba' Rashidi was one of his many efforts to rebuilt Iran. By emiching dried lands and harvesting agricultural produce, he helped the economic development of the country.Before the Ghazan and Olayjatoo's charity center, Rab'a Rashidi was known as the most important charitable organization. This charity center had about 350 to 374 clients and exployess that had the best facilities among other charity centers.Unfortunately following Rashideddin and his son Ghiyasoddin Rashidi's cdeath, the Rab's Rahsidi complex was ravaged. But he site of Rab'a Rashidi was a suitable place for the settlement of the remainders of the Ilkhan government, both climate and strategic wise. According to historians and reports obtained from the foreign tourists some sections of this charity center remained intact until the era of Safavids and even the Ghajrids. However,only sections of the fortification walls and pillars of some of its towersremain today.

The purpose of the present paper is the analysis of the relationship between power and gender in the ethics rooted in the Mazda thought in Pre-Islamic Iran. For this purpose the gender and power relationship are theoretically pinpointed in a framework of ethical recommendations and religious jurisprudence in the Pre-Islamic Iranian State and conceptual frameworks including "Esheh", "Introspection" and issues/such as sanitization, sexual rules, and other recommendations related to women during menstruation period along, with rules about how to behave with foreigners. According to this analysis, it would be apparent that the power relations between women and men were ethically legitimate. These instances had special disciplinary forms and shapes. Some specific rules are inserted in ways to include contacts with gender and the body pertaining to the internalization and institutionalization of these disciplines. The result is inferiority of the female and stabilization and continuation of the patriarchic system in family and social relations.

What was the status of the Ghurides political and military relations with the neighboring states? Could the Ghurides attain remarkable victories amid high political tension? If so, what have these challenges led to in territories ruled by them?During a short time, the Ghurides (543-612Hijri) build an extremely powerful empire in a vast part of the Islamic territory. The great ancestor of Ghurides was shansab. It has been claimed that he visited Ali Ibn Abutalib (As) and embraced Islam bUtthe people of Ghuride embraced Islam at the time –of Sultan Mahmood Ghaznavi.The peak of the power of the ghurides dynasty came at the time of Sultan Ghiyaseddin Mohammad (551-599 Hijri) and his brother Sultan Moezzeddin (599-602) at which point they had made remarkable developments in economy and culture.The Ghaznavids, Saljoohids, and Kharazmshahis dunasties ruled at the same time as the Ghurides dynasty which led to numerous political and military clashes between existing government. After Moazzeddin Ghuri' s demise, the Ghurides dynasty lost its previously held power and was gradually shattered in to pieces at which point the local governors formed independent states. Sultan Mohammad Kharazmshah took advantage of the mayhem and overthrew the Ghurides dynasty in Khorasan and Transoxania.