POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE
Year:2019 | Volume:15 | Issue:2 (30) |Papers Count:14

Social power is of great importance among scholars of different sciences due to its importance in the sphere of individual and public life. On the other hand, this type of power can be considered as one of the dimensions of soft power that influences the national power of political-spatial structures. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the factors affecting social power and determine the coefficient of importance of each variable and finally rank countries accordingly. The research method has three main stages. In the first phase, library studies were written with reference to articles, books, and theoretical foundations of research. In the second phase, 77 internal and external experts referred to the field findings section to assess the significance of social variables affecting national power. Then, to measure the national qualitative variables, 30 foreign experts in social sciences, political sociology, etc. from India, France, China, Canada, etc. filled out a questionnaire designed online. Fischer maximum likelihood method was used to convert qualitative variables to quantitative. Then, considering the systematic and integrated approach of power, DEMATEL technique was used to determine the cause and effect relationships of the variables. Finally, 69 countries were ranked based on TOPSIS based on library and statistical data. The results showed that the United States with average (0. 575), Switzerland (0. 570), Norway (0. 566), Sweden (0. 526), Netherlands (0. 522), New Zealand (0. 487), England (0. 482), Qatar (0. 477), China (0. 475) and India (0. 468) rank first to tenth. The least significant were Vietnam (0. 33), Nigeria (0. 340), South Africa (0. 347), Venezuela (0. 353), Ghana (0. 371), Ukraine (0. 3718), Pakistan (0. 376). Iran also ranks forty nine out of sixty-nine with an average (0. 394).

Political parties were formed after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the Turkish Republic, and there was an atmosphere of democratic competition, despite the one-party atmosphere in the early years of the Republic between the parties. The National Movement Party is Turkey's fourth largest political party that has an impact on Turkey's political environment. The presence of this party in the Republican alliance and its role in the political sphere of Turkey highlights the necessity of analyzing its political behavior towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this article is to explain the positions of the National Movement Party in relation to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, the main question of this study is: what role do the National Movement Party's identity ideas play in its position towards the Islamic Republic of Iran? This paper investigates the role of identity paradigms in the positions of the National Movement Party using a descriptive-analytical approach and using documentary technique. This research is of practical purpose. The findings of the article show that the National Movement Party seeks to adopt cooperative policies towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. The presence of this party in the Republican alliance and its role in the political sphere of Turkey highlights the necessity of analyzing its political behavior towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this article is to explain the positions of the National Movement Party in relation to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, the main question of this study is: what role do the National Movement Party's identity ideas play in its position towards the Islamic Republic of Iran? This paper investigates the role of identity paradigms in the positions of the National Movement Party using a descriptive-analytical approach and using documentary technique. This research is of practical purpose. The findings of the article show that the National Movement Party seeks to adopt cooperative policies towards the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Security is one of the most important and basic elements of any government. Most theoretical foundations in the field of security studies are from Western texts. There have been some attempts to localize these studies in recent years, but there is still much work to do. The purpose of this article is to attempt to reach this goal by attempting to take a step in this important direction by content analysis method of Ayatollah Mahdavi Kenny. The reason for Ayatollah Mahdavi Kenny's election is that in the early years of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, he was responsible for securing the country in two important organizations, the Islamic Revolutionary Committee and the Ministry of the Interior. Researchers seek to answer the question of what dimensions and priorities should be found in Ayatollah Mahdi's conception of security. To answer this question, two sets of sources were examined, each of which merely promoted one piece of work. By carefully examining the theoretical sources in the field of security and the sources related to Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, the authors have finally succeeded in dissecting the dimensions of security from their point of view so that the output of this research will greatly contribute to indigenous security studies. The result shows that: Ayatollah Mahdavi Kenny, while accepting the common dimensions of security, but believes that the basis of these dimensions must be Islam and Islamic culture and, above all, the ethical dimension of Islam, because if not so many grand plans, They will not reach their true home, and instead of building on ethics, they will be shaped by inappropriate policies.

After the Islamic Revolution in Iran, various discourses have emerged. and each discourse has provided specific goals and programs in the field of citizenship education. the present article aims to critical analysis of the citizenship education position in Justice oriented and moderate discourses. The research community includes documents related to citizenship education in both discourses. the findings showed that for the education of citizenship, from the perspective of the Justice oriented discourse, the observance of socio-economic, and in terms of moderation discourse, observance of political and civil rights, constitute the most important demands of citizens. the texts examined in both discourses do not pay much attention to the role of citizens in the process of meeting the rights, but their focus is on the government's responsibility to realize the rights and the grounds for achieving citizenship education. A citizen represented in these two discourses is a single-dimensional inventory that has experienced rapid and unbalanced growth in only one era in each era. In most cases, the documents examined follow a single-discourse pattern and are not interested in using elements of competing discourses.

Speech Act Theory is one of the significant ideas in the field of discourse and textual analysis. This theory, which is a branch of the philosophy of language, examines verbs and sentences in different situations. The Speech Act Theory was first introduced by Austin, and then, Searle completed his unfinished work in five persuasive, declarative, effective, commissive, and declarative speech acts. In the model presented by Searle, the information exchanged by verbs and their equivalent sentences is evaluated. This theory addresses investigating verbs and sentences in religious texts, including the Qur'an and Nahj al-Balagha, as well as discovering the underlying layers and the deepening of the word in the production of new chapters. Moreover, Nahj al-Balagha, as one of the most masterful texts of religious literature, has the most eloquent sentences and words. This invaluable book, including sermons, letters, and the words of Imam Ali (AS) in political, social, economic and cultural fields, has been a complete and strategic encyclopedia of all time. Political aspects of Nahj al-Balagha is one of its important dimensions because social justice, equality and equality and the proper management of the administrative system have been the main concerns of Imam Ali (AS).

Given that political marketing has come from the behaviors of reality in political affairs to universities, and has been theorized in the faculties of political science, so existing theories are usually the only ones explaining the facts and usually the deeper and deeper layers of science, the less these theories. Is taken into consideration. Accordingly, and as political market players need a more cognitive and cognitive model for conducting political affairs, in particular, understanding the factors that influence voter behavior, they can both effectively and accurately identify voter behavior. To predict behaviors and ultimately vote to avoid errors in political forecasting and planning, the researcher first criticizes existing political marketing theories and then presents a neural (cognitive) model of political marketing. Based on research by the researcher. The author's point of view in critiquing political marketing patterns is based on the marketing perspective and has been examined on this basis. Finally, the researcher presented the cognitive marketing model (basal nerve) as a functional model based on the function of the nerves and the way the human brain works. The model presented in this study is presented in three levels: Level 1, the level of voters and voters, which focuses more on the internal and psychological issues that have cognitive origins; And there are domestic laws; the third level, the political environment abroad, which includes the international media and international political institutions. The Delphi method was used to design the model. The Delphi panel was comprised of specialists in cognitive and neuroscience, political science, and marketing science. Given that the model should be tested, the researcher used a pls tool to test the model with 384 respondents from over 18 years of Iranian political affairs inside and outside the country using a questionnaire. Other parts of the model in this study have been tested by the Delphi method.

Political advertising is one of the most important practical tools of political marketing communications, and it can be divided into two forms in terms of content: Positive political advertising and negative political advertising. One of the most significant applications of negative political advertising is to mobilize people to participate in elections as well as increasing the number of voters during elections. In addition, the candidates and political parties use this kind of advertising to weaken their competitor's position. The aim of the study is to investigate the impact of negative political advertising through voting intention on voting preference. We have applied descriptive and inferential analysis methods. The questionnaire has been used for data collection. Our study consisted of all people that are eligible to vote in Tehran. Thus, our samples include 455 people living in different area of the city. Further, we used correlation methods and logistic regression models in order to test the hypotheses. The results show that negative political advertising can have an impact on the willingness of voters to vote. However, this effect has not been seen in all aspects of negative political advertising.

The issue of velayat-e faqih and its subordinates from the past were the argument of scholars and shiite scholars' discussions. Imam khomeini (pbuh) and its restate and completion were able to form an Islamic state in practice. Through the struggle of the Islamic Revolution and then their pupils, including those of Ayatollah Mahdavi, elaborated on, explaining and promoting the theory. The purpose of this study is to explain the theory of velayat-e faqih, from the viewpoint of Ayatollah Mahdavi, in a method of content analysis. For this purpose, an important aspect of this theory, such as legitimacy of Islamic state, limits of vali-e faqih, vali-faqih traits and supervision over leadership has been analyzed. Ayatollah Mahdavi describes the necessity of forming an Islamic state from sharia and the basis of the Islamic ruling's legitimacy from divine appointment (appointment theory) and recognizes the position of people in Islamic rule only in the stage of reality and implementation of the Islamic state. In addition, in the case of the rule of the jurist, he is regarding the absolute rule of the jurist, and accordingly to, explaining the relation of the constitution and vali-e faqih and regarding “ protection Supervision” in the case of supervising the leadership.

The main issue in the present study is to investigate the influence of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran on geopolitical and geopolitical components on the one hand and how to use and use those components for a more dynamic and efficient foreign policy. This paper aims to study the geopolitics of energy and foreign policy of Iran (1977-1976) by documentary method. In answer to the main research question: What has been the impact of energy geopolitics on Iran's foreign policy (1979-96)? The results show that energy in the 1950s played an important role in regulating Iran's foreign policy relations with the outside world. After the victory of the revolution, the link between energy, economic growth and military reinforcement was severed. In the meantime, energy was viewed not as a tool for strengthening the country's military power or control of the region, but as a lever against "global arrogance". In the 1980s, the approach of interacting with international system actors and de-escalation in Iranian foreign policy topped the agenda of the government, using energy strategy and geopolitics to try to engage with major energy-consuming countries, which also own capital and technology. From 2005 to 2013, this policy of de-escalation has existed in Iran's foreign policy along with pivotal justice and an orientation toward the East; in the geopolitical context of oil and gas energy, this period of leverage has seriously and severely overshadowed Iran. Since 2013, Iran's foreign policy has seen two distinct plans for energy geopolitics. In the first part of the boom in energy interactions, and in the second half, the successive and severe sanctions imposed restrictions on the Islamic Republic of Iran in global energy supply. Is.

Investigating the political attitude of citizens is an issue that has a special place in our society; Attitudes are the basis for the formation of behaviors and actions of individuals. On the other hand, the issue of the importance of finding national and ethnic identities in the age of globalization is the most important issue in political sociology. In this regard, it seems that one of the factors that can influence people's political attitude is their national and ethnic identities. Given that experimental data has not been provided in this regard, it is necessary to measure the overview of this issue. The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of national and ethnic identities on the political attitudes of individuals. The statistical population of this research is Khoy city in West Azarbaijan province, which was studied by 398 inhabitants of this city by quota sampling method. The results of the research show that, firstly, according to the Mead views, there is a difference between national identity and ethnic identities, not contradictions, but rather a positive relationship, each of which goes up by reinforcing another's identity. Secondly, although these two types of identities are well-matched, their effects on the political attitudes of citizens are different. In this regard, the findings suggest that while increasing national identity tends to bring citizens closer to fundamentalism, ethnic identity reinforces the likelihood of individuals turning into reformist political groups in the community

The victory of the Islamic Revolution is due to the use of the liberating talents of the Shi'ite narrative of political Islam in providing a pattern of resistance to the hegemony of the West and its hegemonical values. The study of the concept of resistance, and its conceptual model in the thought of the Supreme Leader as components determining the progress of the Islamic society and overcoming the challenges posed by the power-domination system is the subject of this paper. Analysing of the statements of the Supreme Leader since 1989 shows that this concept in his thought is an importance factor for reaching the horizon of Islamic civilization and the pattern of Iranian Islamic progress. The method used in this research is Content Analysis; from 93 lectures, during the years 1368. till the spring of 1398, in the first two steps, the open and axial coding of 146 codes and 11 categories was identified. In the next step, by analyzing the collected data and the relationship between the points, concepts and categories; the field of resistance dimensions, obstacles, solutions, consequences and its outlook in the conceptual model is designed using a paradigmatic method.

In this essay authors want to show common aspects and features between understanding and the politics in Hannah Arendt. Main works including Human Condition, Life of Mind and essay in understanding. In Arendt’ s thought, politics and understanding are the other side of each others and in her main exquisite insights and ideas, political activity or action is the same interpretative reality of human beings. "Understanding" for Arendt is the cognitive or an experiential side of politics, it is the other side of action and particulars of political action. Understanding implies recognizing new dimensions of events and “ a complicated process which never produces unequivocal results” . While irreversibility, plurality, unpredictability, creativity are important features of action in Arendt's thought and the political distinct from the social is correlated to human free and spontaneous action; understanding is also in her view an unending activity which contains perception new aspects of events, an endless and complicated process that never produces decisive and ultimate results. Understanding “ is the specifically human way of being alive” .