JOURNAL OF CENTRAL EURASIA STUDIES
Year:2009 | Volume:2 | Issue:3|Papers Count:8

Due to an increase in dependence of international economics on the hydrocarbon energy resources, extended tensions in the Middle East and rise of Russia as a main actor in international energy market, Caspian oil and gas and their transit routes to the consumption market gained more attention among the large industrial powers. The Islamic Republic of Iran has the best geographical location for transfer of the energy resources to the international market, but the United States ignores this route as the safest, the most economic and the shortest route for much transfer. From U.S. geopolitical viewpoint, Iran’s geographical potential as the only country connecting two supplier warehouses provides Iran with a major asset in the 21st century’s geopolitics. Hence, such possibility has to be neutralized in order to protect regional and global security as perceived by the United States. This paper seeks to examine Iran’s geopolitical challenges and opportunities in transferring Caspian energy to the world markets.

The Chechen conflict has protracted for around three centuries. The Chechens have not stop their struggle since the time their territory was occupied by Russia as a result of the colonial wars. Their search for independence distinguishes them from other Russian communities. The authors seek to identify the factors influencing the rise and continuity of Chechen people’s search for independence. They try to find an answer to the following question: Why do the Chechen people pursue their independence more violently in comparison to other Russian communities?

After the war of 2001 and the removal of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, the remnants of the Taliban in Pakistan and Afghanistan continued their activities. With the re-emergence of the Taliban in various parts of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Afghanistan’s territories turned into a scene for confrontation between the Taliban and these governments, particularly the government in Kabul. The NATO forces are confronted with serious problems in their war on the Taliban. The United States now intends to negotiate with the more moderate faction of the Taliban. The author seeks to examine Taliban’s challenge as a terrorist group in building more tension between Afghanistan and Pakistan within the framework of U.S. strategic posture.

Central Asia constituting southern part of the heartland territory in Mackinder’s theory became a scene for a multi-layered rivalry for world powers following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The United States seeks interim and permanent changes and has encouraged the European Union to follow in its foot steps. Russia and China have security concerns apart from geopolitical objectives. This paper addresses spatial shrinking and expansion of rival powers’ geopolitical influence in Central Asia and assesses the geo-strategic role of this region in creating rivalry and dynamism.

The geopolitical situation of Iran in the center of a region embracing Central Asia, Caspian Sea, Persian Gulf and West Asia, has always provided the potential for promoting regional economic objectives in Iran’s foreign policy. The issue, however, due to the necessities arising from the 20-year national vision and the role that regional cooperation can play to guarantee the country’s economic and political security against foreign threats has received more attention in recent years. On the other hand, major strategic documents and development plans of the country have recognized the need for constructive interactions with the world economy. Obviously, at the heart of such interaction, Iran should pursue its membership to WTO and provide a favorable environment for attracting FDI in order to access export markets and raise its share in world economy. However, since the process of membership to WTO could be prolonged and problematic for Iran, it is not advisable to link the country’s foreign trade relations to the finalization of this process. Therefore, one of the most important alternatives for Iran to better interact with the world economy is multilateralism and trade liberalization within the framework of regional arrangements.

The 70-year long Soviet domination over a large part of Eurasia unfolded an unprecedented experience in human history. For the first time in history, all cultural, scientific and arts activities of an empire was monopolized by a state. To do so, a vast apparatus consisting of various institutions was created in order to assume direction, planning, budgeting, and specifying the content of culture and arts. This Moscow’s endeavor left profound impact on Central Asian people notably the Tajiks who themselves possessed rich culture, arts and civilization throughout history. This paper deals with the Soviet legacy in Central Asia particularly in Tajikistan and provides a comprehensive picture of management of culture and arts in transition from the Soviet era to the post-independence period. This paper is a result of a field study, visit to cultural and arts centers of the region, and interview with practitioners and artists.

The Caucasus region has consistently attracted Iran’s attention both as extension of the territory and as a sphere of influence. The Islamic Republic of Iran has extensive economic cooperation with the South Caucasian republics including Armenia. Fertile grounds for extended economic cooperation between the two nations include Armenia’s needs in energy, transportation, industries and mines, and labor force on the one hand and Iran’s suitable location, possession of advanced technology, and vast network of roads. The authors deal with the opportunities for and obstacles to the expansion of ties between the two countries.