POLITICAL STUDIES OF ISLAMIC WORLD
Year:2019 | Volume:8 | Issue:2 (30) |Papers Count:6

Objective: In recent years, the Syrian crisis has been one of the most important international issues and has attracted the attention of many countries around the world. Syria has become an area of cooperation and competition between some regional and international powers. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia have been the main influential actors in Syria. Tehran and Moscow, for some reason, are on the same front, working together to support the Syrian regime. On the other hand, the two countries have fields of conflict in Syria that affect their cooperation. Therefore, the main purpose of this study is to investigate the areas of cooperation and differences between Iran and Russia in the Syrian crisis. Methods: The method used in this study is descriptive-analytical and uses the theoretical framework of structural realism to analyze the areas of cooperation and difference between the two countries. Result: Mutual needs and international and regional requirements underpin Iran-Russia security cooperation are common to address security threats. On the other hand, the two countries' approach to the process of political settlement and the structure of the Syrian government in post-conflict conditions and their efforts for greater role-playing and influence, and the type of relationship they have with other actors involved in Syria, are areas of dispute between the two countries. Conclusion: Cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia in the Syrian crisis is tactical. They have been working together because of the cross-cutting needs, so in the long run the weakening of cooperation will make the differences between the two countries more pronounced, but due to some constraints a minimal level of cooperation between them will be maintained.

Objective: The main objective of this article is to investigate the causes of violence and erosion of national sovereignty in the Islamic community of Iraq based on the theory of relative deprivation. Methods: This paper uses descriptive-analytical methods and library resources. Result: Present authors examine three political-military and economic areas to identify the origins of violence in Iraq. The data extracted from it indicate the existence of discriminatory policies towards Iraqi Sunni Arab group. Conclusion: Armed Sunni Arab violence in response to multiple and multidimensional deprivations (economic, military, political) has led to the collapse of Iraqi national government authority and consequently the erosion of national sovereignty in many Sunni areas of the country.

Objective: After the rise of ISIS in Iraq and Syria, it seems that Pakistan is the normal destination of the group enlargement. This is why Pakistan not only has significant Muslim population but also subjects to political instability whether religious conflict or military coup d’ é tat. So, the article aims to assess real ratio of ISIS influence in Pakistan. Method: It seems that simultaneous co-assessing factors and obstacles of ISIS success in the country and comparing them to each other could be helpful to evaluate real threat of ISIS for Pakistan. The hypothesis will be tested by descriptive-comparative method. The base of the testing is theoretical model of Justin George on connection between terrorism and failed states. Results: Findings show that it is impossible to consider Pakistan as a normal destination for ISIS. But the group is subject to serious barriers in the country. Conclusion: regarding the Pakistan situations, it is possible to conclude that different factors including US-Afghanistan’ s Taliban talks, agreements between Iran and Pakistan on cross-borders terrorism, and tensions in Indo-Pak relations would alter ISIS circumstances in Pakistan.

Objective: With the onset of chaos in Syria, Saudi Arabia contrary to its anti-revolutionary positions on the past, has been supporting different political and religious actors based on the interests and identities of the kingdom. So, Saudi Arabia has followed Syria's developments with special precision and sensitivity and as an actor and major regional power, tried to take supportive positions from opponents of the Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria in order to shape the strategic environment and maintain its national and regional interests. The purpose of the present study is to identify different dimensions and angles shaping the Saudi Arabia's policies and positions towards the Syrian crisis. Methods: This article based on two theories of structural realism and constructivism and using descriptive-analytical method, examines Saudi Arabia's position on the Syrian crisis. Result: Saudi Arabia's foreign policy towards Syrian developments was examined on the basis of two theories of constructivism and structural realism. The findings indicates that the transnational behavior of this political system, simultaneously has been influenced by the foundations of identity (typical and role identity) and the realities of the regional and international environment. Conclusion: The findings of this study indicate that dominant identity elements in the Saudi kingdom and the perception that this country has its role in the region along with the interests of the political system and attempting to maximize its security and changing the balance of power, has been effective on its foreign policy orientation towards the Syrian crisis.

Purpose: The main purpose of this study is to understand the critical components of Iran-Saudi relations as two regional powers in the Persian Gulf and also to investigate the impact of political-security factors affecting Iran-Saudi divergence in the past decade and also. We are explaining the economic factors influencing Iran-Saudi divergence over the past decade. Methodology: But the research method in this descriptive-analytical article, through the analytical method of the critical economic and security components in Iran's strategic relations with Saudi Arabia, is examined within the framework of international relations approaches and based on economic, political and security components. . . The goals, interests and influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to these issues are described. Findings: What we found in this study, the most critical components in the two countries' relations are: energy price fluctuation, threat of closure of the Strait of Hormuz, competition over Islamic world leadership and military presence in the region. Conclusion: During the period between Iran and Saudi Arabia, especially between 2015 and 2017, what is evident is that the critical components of the two countries' relations can be divided into two areas-political, security and economic. However, what has been evident in recent years has been a lack of understanding by both sides of the wishes and interests of the political authorities of the two countries, and a lack of direct negotiation over what is happening in the region is increasingly evident.

Objective: the civil war intensified as a result of the ethno-religious identities highlighted by the Baathist regime change in Iraq in 2003; In the following these conflicts, with the advent of ISIS, regional and international interventions in the country reached their highest levels; finally, Iraq's future direction in the form of a nation-state confronted with serious challenges by holding a referendum on independence for Kurdistan. So, the main question of the study is that what can be considered scenarios for the Iraqi political system for the next decade under the influence of the political-social environment of Iraq and the various components of domestic, regional and international? Method: in order to perform this future study, we use Peter Schwartz scenario planning method. Results: After examining the factors and drivers affecting ethno-religious conflicts of Iraq in three domestic, regional and international dimensions, we identified two main uncertainties-as determinants and with limited certainty-about the future of the Iraqi political system which are: Increase or decrease in authority of the central government; and increase or decrease in ethnic and religious conflicts. Based on these uncertainties, three major scenarios were designed: integrated Iraq with the Kurdish region, disintegration of Iraq and federalism. Conclusion: If the power and authority of the central government increases and ethno-religious conflicts are reduced, the Iraqi political system will lead to coherence. Reduction in the authority of the central government and as well as increasing ethnic-religious conflicts will break down Iraq. The simultaneous increase in the authority of the central government and ethno-religious conflicts will also lead to the emergence of a federalist scenario (based on ethno-religious lines).