BIANUUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL OF IRAN LOCAL HISTORIES
Year:2021 | Volume:9 | Issue:1 (17)|Papers Count:14

The province of Kerman was conquered by the Baraq Hajib and from the early third decade of the seventh century AH and was under the control of this ruler and his successors until the early eighth century. The tact of Baraq Hajib and some of its successors not only maintained Kerman's political stability, but also influenced other social, cultural, and religious spheres for more than eight decades. The present study is an analytical method using library resources to analyze the religious approach of the Qara-Khitai rulers in the first step and to explain the religious status of Kerman at the same time as their second step. Therefore, the main question of this article is: What was the religious approach of Kerman Qara-Khitai rulers and what was the position of different religions in Kerman at the same time as their rule? The findings of the study indicate that the Kerman Qara-Khitai rulers, although having non-Iranian and non-Muslim (Buddhist) origins, came to Kerman around 619-620 AH (1222-1223 AD) and shrewdly established a new approach to this new territory. Various political and especially religious ones followed. This made their rule more sustainable within Iranian-Islamic culture.

Iraq-i-Ajam was one of Geographical-Historical areas once considered as one of the most important states of Iran throughout its history. It has always been the interests of many rulers to identify the boundaries of the realm of their domination, geographers, and other scholars in terms of geographically determining the boundaries of scientific centers and enumerating important cities. On the other hand, the Iranian rulers dominated the cities, settlements, military centers and roads of these strategic area, which could, in addition to maintaining the security of their western borders-by creating impenetrable platforms-adjacent to the capital of the western dynasties of Iran, using geographical conditions. So It should be noted that Iraq-i-Ajam had a special position in the economy of regional governments and trade. In the present study, with a special reference to the historical context and methodology, Iraq-i-Ajam based on geographical and historical sources in different periods, is discussed by using historical geography approach. We will deal with lexicography and its meaning in literary and historical texts, then examine the boundaries of the province of Jabal and its transformation to Iraq-i-Ajam in later geographical sources. Finally we will survey the changes of its boundaries throughout history and separation Kurdistan from it.

Presence of Mongolians in Iran not only was a military event but also their migration to the Iran plateau has imposed its effects on the economic, cultural, social and administrative infrastructures. Administrative system was among the first affected sections at the very beginning years. Though these effects gradually and not entirely lost their affection, but some lasting ones remained in effect for many years. This research is aimed at recognizing the effects on judiciary system in the rule of Al-Muzaffar (1292-1374 AD), formulating foundations of judiciary system in this regiment and assessing manner and quality of decrement or continuation of Mongolian symbols in Al-Muzafar's judiciary system. This descriptive-analytical research has been conducted in the field of library studies. Corollaries of this research affirm that judiciary system of Al-Muzaffar is based on three principles: adoption from judiciary system of Al-Muzafar's early dignitaries; Ilkhanites, administrative systems of the Iranian Muslim States and local traditions of Al-Muzaffar's regality in Yazd and Fars. Findings also demonstrate that Mongolian symbols, in spite of their presence in Al-Muzaffar's judiciary system have gradually been attenuated and replaced with those of Islamic-Iranian ones. At least in the middle ages, This fact is indicator of prominent presence of continuation in the Iranian judiciary system.

The eighth century historiography of Mazandaran is a reflection of the efforts of the Marashi dynasty in order to show events upside down and distorted. This kind of writing and attitude was republished by historians in later centuries. Therefore, the repetition of this method in historiography led to the "dominant narrative. The lack of attention of historians after Mirzahir to the details of the events presented by historians of the Timurid government and the author of the history of Royan led to the formation of a one-sided narrative on the history of the thirteen-year events of Mazandaran. A conception in which all sins are imposed on the Chalavi dynasty and the Marashians show their innocence. Based on data from all historical sources, it can be said that the founder of the Marashian government did not play a role less than Afrasiab Chalavi in the thirteen-year events of Mazandaran. Undoubtedly, he, who was involved in this series of events, eliminated other competitors with aexact plan. At the same time that the Marashi government was carrying out its political actions did not neglect its propaganda activities, but by fabricating a false story, it put all guilts the thirteen-year-old events on the shoulders of the defeated enemies. The ultimate goal of this propaganda was to discredit the opponents and create a charming image of the founder of the Marashi government. This distortion is fully reflected in the book of the history of Tabarestan by Marashi and was unequivocally accepted by historians of later centuries.

Al-Kart dynasty was established in eastern Khorasan on the eve of Mongols invasion and from the beginning, they accepted the supremacy of them. In the era of the Kartid rule in Khorasan, several factors contributed to the unrest of this state, and the Kartid rulers managed to secure their political stability through their special policies. This article seeks to find their solutions and policies. This research is a type of historical research and has been written by descriptive-analytical method and based on historical sources. The results of the study show that Kartid rulers reacted appropriately to any disruptive security factor. By accepting the legitimacy of the Ilkhanid rule, Kartid ruler were able to save Khorasan from confronting the central rule. They chose the military resistance solution to the Chagatai Khanate attacks. Al-Kart was able to control Sistan and Nikudarian and become the border guard of the eastern borders. Kartid rulers accepted the legitimacy of the Mongol survivors in Iran and therefore established a good relationship Tugha Timü rid and Jani Qurbani dynasties. Al-kart chose the military option against the The Sarbadars’ expansionism and took advantage of the religious potential of the Sunnis and Sufis of Khorasan.

The Fali family Rouasa are considered as powerful social groups in judicial affairs and office in southern iran, especially in the Hormuz domain, from the seventh to 11th century. such an increasing presence of human elements in the administrative and govermental affairs, the relational situation of the Fal region after the gradual fall of Siraf from the third century, and also the political structure of Hormuz king, which provided the field of presence and activity of different kinds of human forces in its domain. in this period, the empowerment of the Fali family in the political apparatus and the govermental, which is considered as one of the most important dynasties along with the rest of the family, and the sources of finance and finance are Hormuz. hence, the relationship between Fali as one of the govermental families in the king realm is Hormuz with the establishment of the monarchy and other clans and social groups in the persian gulf. examining the historical data and documents and analyzing historical data shows that the Fali family was an important source of wealth and power assurance in the political system of Hormuz king. the findings show that competition and conflict conflicts with other social groups on political issues and governmental as well as the efforts of the Portuguese military forces to monopolize the revenues from the Persian Gulf maritime economy combined with the import of a rival and opponent group resulted in weakening the power of the Fali ministry and the monarchy in Hormuz.

The local family of Rooz Afzoon in the shelter of Swadkoh’ s castles and forests, and the adherence to Sadat Marashi's government and military service to them, managed to rule over Suzdok and parts of Eastern Mazandaran for more than a century. Two of the most prominent rulers of this family, Agha Rostam and Agha Mohammad Rooz Afzoon, have governed simultaneously by the formation and strengthening of the Safavids in Iran. The Safavids, through the implementation of the policy of creating divisions and launching a civil war among local rulers, began to increase the influence of the central government and reduce the power of local rulers. As a result of this policy, the Marashhian religious power in Mazandaran has weakened and the local clan has increasingly fallen. With regard to the historical aspects of the problem and the purpose of the research, this article tries to appropriately answer to the following question by applying historical research method with an emphasis on analyzing the data of sources: "What was he process of formation and expansion of the growing local family of Rooz Afzoon in Mazandaran and the causes of their fall.

Expatriating social centrifugal forces tribes and clans, has been one of the policies of Iranian governments from the Safavid era with the aim of establishing security and controlling on them. Displacement Kurdish clans from their original habitat to other parts of country has been recognized as one of the critical periods in the history of Safavid era. In the line with this policy, the Kurdish"Rashvand" clans, were expatriated, first to Khorasan Province then to Qazvin and its nearby habitats. The consequences of this settlement in those aforementioned areas to both Kurdish clans as well as the central government is the subject of this study. Alongside with this, in this study, we will also analyze the political, martial and economic causes and motivations of these migrants. This paper analyzes the subject in a descriptive-analytical manner, based on documentary sources including published documents, unpublished documents, library resources and field observations. Research findings show that Rashvand clans were migrated to Qazvin and the nearby habitat areas for diverse reasons, namely for martial, political and economic reasons. Accumulating wealth, acquisition of governmental authority and official titles, have been the most important consequences of this displacement

Qajar dynasty Paid special attention to crown land as one kind of historical government landholding in Mazandaran region because of its unique natural position. According to Financial and official policies, government adopted different measures in crown lands (khalisa) including (increase or decrease) and this has a great impact on landholding matters in that region. In this survey, the state of crown lands (khalisa) in Mazandaran during Qajar reign has been considered in terms of government Policy and its legal, economical and social consequences. The thesis question Follows as: how was the government policy in crown land affairs in Mazandaran? Why has the government performance changed periodically? What was its social and economical effects? Analysis of relevant data shows that the state of crown land in Mazandaran exposed to changes depending on general conditions. In the first half of Qajar dynasty, the policy of increasing area (in different ways) and variety of crown lands were adopted. Then in various reasons, The process of decreasing crown lands in different ways including has been accelerated in middle and late period. In this survey, the required data has collected from relevant references including first and second hand historical references and archives documents) and has analyzed in a qualitative way. Then prevailing patterns on process of changing crown lands have been extracted. The outcome of present survey not only represents a pattern for land holding history studies in Iran, but also introduces new field of study connected to this subject.

The Persian Gulf, as Iran's sea route to the world and vice versa, has been under the political, cultural and economic sovereignty of Iran for most of history. This rule was the natural and logical consequence of the action of the largest country on the northern shores of the Persian Gulf in defense of its existence and security, which has taken place unequivocally in most historical periods. With the rise of colonialism and the arrival of European colonial powers; Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, and Britain opposed the Persian Gulf, Iranian sovereignty in the Persian Gulf, and confronted Iran with one of the greatest problems of the modern era. Continuation of this led to the reduction of Iran's power and the further consolidation of British power, and eventually the undisputed power of this country throughout the Persian Gulf in the Qajar era. With the British invasion of the Iranian coast and the capture of Bushir during the Herat War, the conflict with Iranian rule in the Persian Gulf and the de-Iranianization of this great waterway reached its peak. From then on, the reaction and extensive efforts of the Iranians to maintain sovereignty in the Persian Gulf and promote its place in the Iranian mentality began through the production of concepts, meanings and ideas appropriate to the new era in the form of a new Persian Gulf discourse. The findings of this study, based on a combination of causal-rational method, show that the Qajar period press played the main role in promoting the position of the Persian Gulf from natural areas to "member of the body of the body of Iran" in the form of a new Persian Gulf discourse.

With the establishment of the Pahlavi’ s regime in 1925, Iran was largely separated from the traditional and pre-modern positions of its state and took on more or less a quasi-modern form. One of the important bureaucratic positions, which had a regular and extensive relationship with the central government, was the position of Kadkhoda. Although Kadkhoda was the authority and his main duty was to supervise the all-encompassing affairs of the peasantry and to provide accurate and detailed annual reports to the government, in practice he became immensely involved in bureaucracy. In the present article, the author intends to describe the real functions of Kadkhoda by scrutinizing the documents of Khachik Tahmasian; the Kadkhoda of Zarneh village of Isfahan. Such Kadkhod’ s great and novel duties have mainly been absent from historical accounts made about the status of government during the Pahlavi era. The article is written based on historical research methods and documentary sources.

Mashhad as a center of Khorasan province was of great economic and commercial importance; as far as it can be considered as a large port in northeastern Iran for import and export of goods. Because of the good commercial status of Mashhad, some of Russia and Governmental merchants proceed to build the firms, commercial offices and companies in Mashhad. The aim of this study is to answer to two main questions: 1) what were the factors affecting the trade between Mashhad and Russia and the problems facing this trade from 1304 to 1344 AH? 2) which Russian trading companies entered into Mashhad trade in the time period in question and traded in which goods? Despite the lack of references about this study and the need for a detailed study with a descriptive-analytical approach, the findings indicate that establishment of Trans-Caspian Railway, dispatching Russian commercial staffs to mashhad and the activities of Russian consulates in Mashhad are some factors affecting trade between mashhad and Russia. And according to boycott of the Russian goods, insecurity and restrictions of Russian traders at Mashhad during the late Qajar, some firms such as Iral, Makrowich, Frank, Noble, Khloopkem, Stuackin, Venshtorg and Cantero Sayus imported oil, food, commodities and luxury goods and Russia firms supplied raw material for themselves.

During World War II, the port of Bushehr was occupied During World War II, the port of Bushehr was occupied by the allies, like the rest of the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea. Throughout the war (1320-1324), Bushehr was the scene of a strong presence of English, Indian, and especially American agents. The Allies aimed to send Soviet aid to all the military, economic infrastructure of the port. The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of World War II on the port of Bushehr in a chronological process relying on largely unpublished archival records and public, economic publications. And the locality of the time is. The data set shows that despite the importance of Bushehr, the economic role of economists compared to previous periods, especially late Qajar and early Pahlavi move regressed show. As the end of the war draws nearer, its negative consequences are more pronounced on Bushehr. The adverse effects of several years after the end of World War II also affected the entire economic and social structure of Bushehr. Accordingly, Bushehr suffered a lot of social and economic damage in the challenge with the presence of a large number of foreign elements, and the process of degrading its position was accelerated. In this article, the researcher has tried to answer the following question: How did the consequences of World War II in a time process affect the deterioration of the economic situation of Bushehr port? In the end, it is concluded that the Second World War directly affected all aspects of domestic and foreign trade in Bushehr port and the resulting financial and social unrest, causing imbalances in various economic layers and severely weakening its position in Iran and the shores of the Persian Gulf.

The failure of the Qajar – era security agencies and organizations to act on legal standards has created a climate of mistrust with fear and concern among the citizens. Therefore, the Tabriz State Association as an institution arising from the Iranian constitutional aspiration, along with the establishment of institutions such as justice and the Appellate Court, considered the establishment of order and security an essential element of modern urban society and established the Tabriz Police Department. The present study aims at examining the causes of the formation of the “ Tabriz Police Department” and comparing its performance with pre-constitutional security organizations by focusing on Tabriz, using a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources and newspapers. The findings of this study show that despite encountering numerous problems arising from the Tabriz’ s eleven month resistance period and some of the misconceptions of the pre-constitutional period, Tabriz’ s Police Department could perform its duties in accordance with the legal norms and avoidance of repetition in the short period after its formation and it have earned the trust of the citizens and, more importantly, helped to create an atmosphere of cooperation and mutual interaction between the people and the security and police forces.