Islamic Revolution Research
Year:2019 | Volume:8 | Issue:30|Papers Count:10

In this article, we address Islamic Revolution under influence of the dialectical and omnidirectional attitudes and the coexistence of interconnected though different elements and by the centrality of Imam Khomeini’ s thought and give its theoretical explanation. Thus, two major challenges identified: the lack of systematic attitudes in government and the lack of jurisprudence management on the one hand and the lack of corresponding expansion in the formal logical order, on the other hand. The central claim of this paper is that formal political formulation at the macro-level does not fit much with the constitutional and administrative principles of the constitution. This disproportion has been attributed specifically to the structure of the Assembly of Experts and to some irregular and sometimes emotional and personal interpretations of the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist.

The concept of the revolutionary system is a lasting and innovative turning point in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution in order to consolidate and develop its policies and systems. In the life cycle of revolutions, the factors of inertia and decline of political systems are included: the diminishing of ideals, fundamental and functional values; a kind of return to the former caused by the change in the revolutionary nature of agents; and their submission to confrontation and the pressure of environmental factors which compound by the gradual shift in identity and transformational change over time, because of lack of an element of thoughtful and transformative strategic thinking and leadership. The main purpose of this article is to explain the semantic dimensions of the "revolutionary system", in particular its deterrent and anti.

Today, the branding of a country and issuing a positive or negative portrayal of it is based on the various components of its software and hardware power. Nowadays, different nations in the world are branding themselves and portray it based on different components such as economics, culture, politics, governance, tourism, and so on. Now the question is that whether religion can really be the branding of a nation to represent and present itself in the world? Can the branding of religion be a positive and decisive element in raising a country and enhancing its soft power and subsequently spreading a positive image of it? The Islamic Republic of Iran seems to have been able to expand its areas of influence and power by branding religion, though this power has been influenced by the interests of powerful Western countries in times of anti-system and in opposition to the structure of the international system. The dual standards and norms of the international system have not recognized the religious branding of a nation and its legitimate interests because it is primarily concerned with religion and its use as a basis for influence and increasing power in conflict with the norms and interests of the great Western powers and their allies. The present article emphasizes that the Islamic Republic of Iran has been able to portray and present itself in the world with a religious brand, even though this portrayal was at times based on opposition to the international system.

Different societies need to provide growth and development in order to be on the path of improving their social and economic conditions and one of the factors influencing the growth and development of any society in the transformation of scientific structures of the country and the expansion of knowledge especially in the Humanities field. The Islamic Republic of Iran is no exception. Finding cultural barriers to the development of the humanities in Iran requires careful analysis of the cultural characteristics of our country. The question is, what role do cultural factors play in the underdeveloped humanities in Iran? The hypothesis is that: The culture of self-expression, individualism, and the importance of university degrees for social prestige and economic standing are among the most important cultural barriers to Iranian scientific development. We need to use an appropriate theoretical framework to explain the scientific development and the obstacles to achieving it. The neo-structuralism framework is used for analyzing in this article.

Consultation as one of the social and political concepts of the Qur'an and of the prophetic traditions has strengthened the religious democracy. On the other hand, it is also an intrinsic component of the theory of deliberative democracy. Thus, a brief examination of the concept in both theories can reveal the nature of these theories and the mechanism of their governance. At the same time, the concept of consultation, although common in both theories, exists on the ontological, epistemological, and anthropological grounds, and there are substantial differences between them that can be attributed to being monotheistic and humanistic. The present study has attempted to briefly explain the aforementioned distinctions and the two theories from the perspective of the scholars in this field and explain the place of consultation in each of them. At the end a table of similarities and differences in the concept of deliberation is presented in the two theories of religious democracy and deliberative democracy.

This article addresses the main question of how cyberspace policymaking in Iran can be modified in order to achieve the desired goals in the country's upstream documents. So, the intention is to analyze cyberspace policymaking in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The study suggests that the major policy-making in this regard is both positive and negative. In the meantime, negative policies with mechanisms such as, deterrent planning in the field of legislation, clearing of virtual space (including blocking and filtering) and positive policies with mechanisms such as production and content management, increased Media literacy and immunization based on localization have been implemented in the country. However, the desperate failure of building a National Information Network as the communication infrastructure of the country's cyberspace, the failure to produce appropriate internal content and the increase of media literacy in the country which are all mechanisms for implementing positive policymaking in the country, in addition to the inadequacy of the rules set out in the field of cyberspace and the failure of the filtering project due to the inefficiency of blocking and filtering tools, we witness an inefficiency in policy making and the lack of strategic, principled and technical planning and management. There is a need for a long-term control of cyber space in the country and to reform the cyber space policy in IRA on the way to achieving most of the goals outlined in the country's upstream documents; this requires changing the existing balance from a negative and a directive perspective to a positive and bottom-up perspective.

The path of the Islamic Movement of Iran, led by Imam Khomeini sometimes had become so complicated that understanding its leadership move-especially at the motivational stage-is not for everyone in complete line with the requirements of Islamic Shari'ah and raises questions in this regard in his mine. One of the important questions that this research seeks to answer in a descriptive-analytical way is how this boom uprising was led by Imam Khomeini-who needed to disrupt the existing order in royal authority-with the requirements of "rule of the necessity of preserving the system and not its disruption” is consistent. In response, it can be said that, at the beginning of the movement, the leadership was committed to adherence to the aforementioned rule and by accepting the primacy and rule of its provisions over other religious duties, in a way that would not entail disruption to people's livelihoods, but the widespread corruption of the royal government was such that it was made clear that the saint was not at all satisfied with it, and that the rule would be eliminated. It was people's livelihoods that, in turn, called for a correction to keep the social order from collapsing.

Historical evidence proposes that in Iran, attention to science and technology for the development of the country began some 200 years ago. This article studies and reviews historical documents and resources and go through the most important government actions in the fields of public education, higher education, research and technology, and their criticism in three historical Qajar periods (since the time of Abbas Mirza chancellorship), Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic. Establishment of new schools instead of old ones, adoption of the law requiring public education, establishment of universities, rapid growth in literacy, quantitative and qualitative growth of higher education, increasing the number of scientific publications and technological development in strategic areas such as Missile technology and nuclear technology have been the most important policy events in the field of science and technology in Iran for the last two centuries. Also, dependency on foreign countries, especially during the Qajar and Pahlavi era, bureaucratic dominance in the field of science and technology and international sanctions are the most important policy issues in the field of science and technology that the country has been faced. However, since the victory of the Islamic Revolution and despite external obstacles, especially imposed war and international sanctions, widespread achievements have been made in the field of science and technology.

The collapse of the Pahlavi regime in the wake of the Islamic Revolution in the late decades of the twentieth century is one of the most significant events in contemporary Iranian and world history. From the earliest days, the Islamic Revolution has attracted the attention of many analysts in the fields of politics, economics, sociology, and psychology, and even historiography has not been deprived from portion. As the Pahlavi regime collapsed, emerged an open space and new issues for historians and the desire of some actors and witnesses to record their data provided an impetus for historians and institutions to analyze and examine the Islamic Revolution based on oral history. Many scholars outside of Iran and many years later inside Iran sought to collect memories of Pahlavi-era personalities and revolutionary activists. Therefore, different historical works with different attitudes emerged at home and abroad. One of the centers for designing and implementing the Oral History Program is the Foundation for Iranian Studies. After the Islamic Revolution, the financial support of the Pahlavi dynasty, the technical assistance of Western universities and, most importantly, the easy access to the Pahlavi era's men, led the Foundation to work on collecting oral history of the Pahlavi era. This article attempts to critically analyze its structural, content, and theoretical analysis based on the Foundation's oral history texts, and in the context of the texts, another account of the reasons for the fall of the Pahlavi government and the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Pahlavi era brokers.

The debate over the factors affecting the legitimacy of the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist or jurisprudential government has become more and more prevalent in the country's scientific community after the Islamic Revolution, and various scholars have attempted to respond to it from different perspectives. It may be argued that most scholars' efforts in this regard have been to understand Imam Khomeini's view about this matter, since it is very valuable to understand his view of the factors influencing the legitimacy of the jurisprudential government as he himself founded it. By examining the literature on this subject, the author found that some scholars in the field who attempted to explain the Imam's point of view on the subject had encountered a problem, namely that they had chosen the wrong method. In this way, they have proven the mainstream theories of legitimacy by different arguments, and then, by using some of the same statements of Imam, tried say that he had the same opinion. Therefore, in this research, it is attempted by modifying the method and providing an alternative one, to present a relatively comprehensive pattern of sub-questions related to the issue, then by designing the legitimacy process of Imam Khomeini's jurist government to answer the main research question that is “ What are the effective factors in the legitimacy of the rule of the jurisprudent from Imam Khomeini's point of view? ” The author's method for analyzing the Imam's statements and finding answers to the sub-questions has been the content analysis method. The results indicate that Imam Khomeini considered the legitimacy of the righteous jurisprudence to be based on two factors: divine appointment at the potential stage and popular victory at the defacto stage. Thus, one of the innovations of the research is to provide an alternative way to understand the political thought of the Imam regarding the legitimacy of the jurisprudential government.