INTERNATIONAL STUDIES JOURNAL
Year:2020 | Volume:17 | Issue:1 (65)|Papers Count:8

North Korea's nuclear activity has continued as a continuing crisis since the Cold War. In particular, with North Korea acquiring ballistic missiles and intercontinental ballistic missiles, the crisis has spread beyond the East Asian region, causing tensions and insecurity in the international system. The United States, which from the beginning has put North Korea's nuclear disarmament program on its foreign policy agenda in the East Asian region, but With the inauguration of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States, he has pursued tougher policies to disarm North Korea, ranging from threats and sanctions to negotiations and agreements. So, looking at the course of Trump's confrontation and interaction with North Korea, the fundamental question arose: how can Donald Trump's foreign policy in the face of the North Korean nuclear crisis be explained? To answer this question, using the theory of James Rosenau, we examine the issue at the level of microanalysis. The research findings show that the political, security and strategic interests of each of the two countries make this crisis unresolved by Donald Trump. In this research, the method of paying attention to the problem is descriptive-descriptive and information is collected by documentary method.

WTO is an international regime which regulates the trade policies of its member states. Trade dispute among members are referred to Dispute Settlement Body, whose efficiency has been recognized by its members and other international organizations. Nevertheless, the Appellate Body’ s adjudications have recently been contested by US, paralyzing its functions by blocking the nomination of new judges. The objective of this research is to know the roots and possible implications of the crisis. The methodology is descriptive-analytical and findings like countries’ approaches, DSB impact on fair trade, consequences of US position, existing proposals and prediction of future situation will be discussed. The innovation of the research is the analysis of scenarios which might reform the international trade system. The outcome of the research is that although the American position is affected by its interpretation of the jurisprudence of DSB/AB, but it is also highly motivated by US interpretation of the WTO principle of universalism, believing that Appellate Body is acting beyond the agreed terms in Uruguay Round and its modus vivendi needs to be modified. However, the uniform support of all members toward WTO Appellate Body might complicate US achievement this time.

Weapons of mass destruction and their destructive effects have always been the focus of lawyers' efforts to create legal barriers to non-proliferation, as the consequences of these weapons are far from universal in the international community. This article, while addressing the nature of the international agreement of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which is called the "JCPOA", (as is called "Barjam" in Persian) seeks to examine the role of non-proliferation of WMDs in international law. In this paper, after expanding the conceptual space of the "JCPOA ", its importance and role in the non-proliferation of WMDs are discussed. The research method used in this article is descriptive-analytical and data collection has been done in the form of libraries. The findings of this study suggest that JCPOA, through its commitment to and implementation of the International Atomic Energy Agency's Additional Protocol and Safeguards, and the memoranda and transparency measures set out in the text of the Vienna Agreement, reduce international arms competition and non-proliferation. The ruling affects the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Since the US withdrew from “ The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” , commonly known as Iran Nuclear Deal, Trump’ s administration’ s strategy has been based on constant maximum pressure in order for Iran to sign a new deal beyond the nuclear issue. Hence, a combination of different integrated, targeted, and simultaneous means have been deployed. In this article, in order to gain a nonreductionist understanding of Trump’ s approach against Iran, the concept of “ power of coerce” , and its means will be utilized as a basis to comprehend the analysis model, and the manner through which maximum pressure strategy progresses. The main questions which this article seeks to answer is within the framework of what model can Trump’ s “ maximum pressure” against Iran be analyzed, and how has this strategy acted? What connection exists among the components of this strategy? What are their strengths and weaknesses? In order to answer these questions, the research method of this article is analytical and descriptive. The main “ research limitation” has been the confidentiality of statistical data due to the sanction situation. According to this article, the US, in addition to comprehensive sanctions in the areas of economy, arms and energy, has exploited other means such maritime intercept, support for adversaries’ opponents, and widespread offensive cyber operations against Iran in an attempt to substitute these simultaneous actions for a war. Nevertheless, despite the imposed damages, Iran’ s counteractions have frustrated Trump’ s objectives. However, assertive and out-of-order exploitation of the means by the US is predictable.

The independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region is in line with the long-term interests of Israel and the United States and in continuation of realization of strategic goals and the expansion of their influence on the western borders of Iran. Their presence in the region and their full support for the military actions of the separatist groups Komala, Democrats and PJAK, which are based in Iraqi Kurdistan and near the borders of Iranian Kurdistan, has caused an ethnic crisis and weakened the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran. The purpose of this study is to explain and investigate the role of severe security threats to the independence of the Iraqi Kurdish region in undermining the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran and by using filing tools and descriptive-analytical methods, it answers the question of how the severe security threats to the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region have weakened the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran? The research findings show that the independence of this region through the threats of Kurdish separatist groups such as Komala, Democrats and PJAK and the threats of Israeli and American presence in this region has paved the way for Kurdish separatist groups and Israeli and American agents to move to the western borders of Iran and has weakened the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran.

The Charter of the United Nations recognizes two types of collective security systems (CSS); the security system under Article (51) regarding the States' right to collective self-defense and also the Use of Force authorized by the Security Council. The UN's CSS, besides small alterations, has its roots in a similar system which was defined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. The continuity of occurrence of international armed conflicts today has challenged this system and its efficiency. This article aims to understand this mechanism of use of force and to review the criticism raised on this mechanism. The main question is: "How the performance of this system is assessed and what are the main criticisms of it? ". This article has a qualitative research nature and is of a descriptive-analytical methodology. It is written in three main sections, it deals with the conceptual understanding of the collective security system, examines the evolution of this system and a comprehensive analysis of the criticisms of this mechanism. Finally, it has been concluded that, despite some shortcomings, the mechanism for resorting to Security Council force has been shown to be effective in some cases and could benefit from the participation of other international law enforcement officials.

The positions and foreign policies of great powers have always had a tangible impact on the international and regional systems. The Yemeni crisis began in 2011 on the one hand due to national issues and internal problems and popular dissatisfaction, and on the other hand due to regional and transnational developments, and took on a new form in 2015 with the arrival of transnational actors. Among the transnational actors, the United States, the Arab League led by Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Iran play a more prominent role than the other actors. The main question is how the US policy and position on the Yemeni crisis is assessed? The research hypothesis states that the main policy of the United States is to create a balance of power between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and in this regard, to provoke tensions and conflicts between the parties involved to reduce Iran's power and Saudi Arabia's greater dependence on the West. The US approach suggests that escalating tensions are increasing the Arab Gulf states' dependence on the West and US weapons, and that the oil and human resources of the Islamic countries in the region are being spent on destroying each other, a policy that Israel strongly encourages. In the present study, we are trying to analyze the data using descriptiveanalytical methods and document analysis. The theoretical framework of the research is focused on using the theory of regional contour and SPIEGEL systems, especially the system of intervening foreign actors. The ultimate goal of the study is to assist the Iranian foreign policy apparatus in planning regional policies.

NATO is one of the international organizations for collective and military security. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, NATO lost its existential philosophy, but international crises including the Persian Gulf War and the Kosovo crisis and… led it in 1997 to formally announce its goal of world peace and security. The 2001 wars in Afghanistan and the 2003 wars in Iraq made NATO a neighbor of Iran in addition to Turkey, and NATO began to cooperate extensively with Iran's other neighbors. Now, the main question of the research is "Given the NATO’ S policy of expanding to the east, what are the types of predictable behavioral scenarios of this presence in the environment of Iran for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? " The research method is analytical and scenario writing methods and the information has been collected in the form of documents. The overall result also shows that, given the deepening NATO presence in the periphery of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the fact that the United States is leading NATO, it has hostile relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Predictable scenarios of NATO’ S behavior are a range of high-risk, low-risk, and cooperative scenarios, and the extent to which these scenarios pose threats and opportunities to Iran's national security depends on the strategies that Iran's foreign policy adopts. That is to say, threatening or de-escalating behavior, in addition to the extent in which Iran is able to strengthen its various powers, is influential in NATO's future treatment of Iran.