Iranian Journal of Sociology
Year:2007 | Volume:8 | Issue:2|Papers Count:10

Protocols are one of the most important sources of the history of the Islamic Revolution that because of their applicable aspects throughout the changes, no judgment values and distortion have taken place. The analysis of the sources like wall-writings and slogans can open a new dimension in the study of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Due to the historical value of these sources, the aim of this paper is to explain the Positions and demands of revolutionists through the last six months of Pahlavi government. The Content analysis of the protocols show that demands and the revolutioners point or view in this period has changed moving from the auile-base demands to politics and negative to positive. The more we move toward the victory of the revolutionists the more positive political demands were required.

In the explanatory attempts about the development and underdevelopment, the scholars and theorists have taken advantage of the different hypothesis. The theoretical traditions evolve simultaneously or in a replacing form have been expressed. Going through the competitive/challenging or interaction/complementary directions, these theories formed a verity of paradigms, which follows the similar or different premises. The dominant paradigms of development include several components which may be studied in different sources. These major components in the above paradigms are summarized as: 1) planning as a path for realization of development, 2) A necessity of going through the transient era, and 3) Inevitability of development. Addressing a range of theoretical arguments, this paper aims to problematize these axioms In this respect, present study propose the new hypothesis which some societies may never be developed It is claimed that facet of many societies may be trapped in the undevelopment.so, the development paradigms may require to experience a Copernican revolution.

The aim of this study is mainly to analyze some of the effects of the socio-cultural factors on the symbolic gender inequality and especially on one of the most important aspects of marital life, i.e. accepting family planning reasonability. The theoretical frame work of this study was borrowed from sociological and socio-psychological approaches of Chaftez, Bourdieu and Bern. The randon sample group of the research was 384 married women in their childbearing age period, who visited the health centers in the city ofAhwaz. The main findings of this research show that the symbolic gender inequality is vividly noticeable and women (the wives) had been highly take responsibility in performing the family planning. The results of the study have also show in significant relationship between the dependent variable, the gender inequality and the independent variables. By multivariable regression test it is found that 60.6 percent of the variance of the symbolic gender inequality variable has been resulted from income, gender stereotypes and gender socialization variables.

The increasing rates of delinquency, especially among the young boys, have reached to a sensitive level and so demands scientific reaches to explain them. The main focus of this paper is empirical test of Agnew's General Strain Theory. Data has been collected via self-administered questionnaire, and subjects of the study have been selected by means of a two-stage stratified proportional sample method. Using a sample of 400 high school students from urban areas of Babol city, this study tests the central hypotheses concerning the mediating model in Agnew's general strain theory. The result of this research has shown that such independent variables as losses of positive stimuli, presentation of negative stimuli and negative emotional affect have direct and significant relationship with dependent variable (delinquency). Also there are direct and significant relationships between variables of failure to achieve positively valued goals and presentation of negative stimuli with teenager's negative emotional affect.

A great number of sociological studies on democratization emphasize on the role of social classes in democratic transitions and the consolidation of democracy. Some authors like Barrington Moore know bourgeoisie as the historical agent of democracy and the workers are agents of democracy for authors like Dietrich Rueschemeyer. In this article, we argue for a new perspective on the role of social classes in democratization based on a comparative historical study of the experience of democracy in Iran (1941-1953), Turkey (1945-1960) and South Korea (1945-1961).It seems that there are no specified pre-supposed interests in democracy for any social class, but the interests are historical-situational constructs of the circumstances of period under investigation. Democracy based on such an analysis is not the function of historical action of a specified class, but it is the consequence of power balance between classes in a specific part of history. In addition, as a part of such a perspective, the article argues in favour of a structural explanation for democratic consolidation.

The study of the relations between local cultures and national formal culture could be an important subject to be investigated. These relations of the subcultures and national culture have deep impacts on the socialization processes at the individual levels, and the weak coherence among the cultures will bring internal contradiction among the social actors. This study on the Arab population of Khouzestan province aims to investigate the effects of relative depression of the local ethnicity on the ethnical and national identities of the native people. The findings of the research show that with increasing the relative depression, the solidarity of the ethnic identity will be strengthened, and adversely the national identity will decrease. In this research, the ethnic identity has been measured based on the social, political, and cultural dimensions.