FOREIGN RELATIONS
Year:2010 | Volume:1 | Issue:4|Papers Count:10

Widespread violation of human rights under various governments across the world is generally considered one of the most important issues and major concerns of the international community in the first t decade of the 21st century. Following the end of the Second World War and the establishment of the United Nations various international measures and mechanisms have been adopted to prevent the violation of human rights or reducing its scope. These measures and mechanisms consist of articulation of international instruments; public promotion of human rights principles and concepts; encouraging states to ratify the adopted instruments; promotion of commitment through the adoption of enforcement instruments; and finally, the establishment of monitoring bodies such as the UN Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court. Except for the International Criminal Court which can make enforceable decisions with actual deterrent force, the decisions made by other monitoring bodies and mechanisms are not obligatory. Even the International Criminal Court, despite its important status and duties, has not in actuality played the needed deterrent function against the violations of human rights by states on a global scale. Notwithstanding, this generally gloomy atmosphere, the author believes that genuine defenders and proponents of human rights should continue their efforts for promoting human rights, and its principles and norms.

This article is a study about the developments leading to the emergence of modern diplomacy. As borne out by history in modern times, change in global structures leads to changes in diplomacy. Erosion in state sovereignty, spread of information and communications technology, growth of non– state actors, and increase in public awareness at the global level can be considered as some of the major factors contributing to changes in diplomacy. This article argues that the development of modern diplomacy is closely related to the concomitant development in civil society on a global scale where new non–governmental organizations, lobbying groups, professional associations, and also new governmental organizations, expect to play an ever- greater role in global issues. In the authors’ view, globalization, international economic inequalities, debt crisis, environmental problems, conflict prevention, human rights issues, humanitarian aid, HIV/AIDS pandemic, population pressures, prevention of local and ethnic conflicts, migration, etc. are so complex in nature that individual nation–states -and traditional diplomacy-cannot deal with and resolve them. Modern diplomacy instead presents the necessary framework and mechanisms for resolving global crises.

Realignment of domestic opposition forces, and their capacity for maneuvering and redefining their status in the existing political and power structure, is considered one of the most important factors in political change in every society. Therefore, analysis of change in the status and performance of opposition forces can contribute to a better understanding of the possible changes in the political orientation of countries in both domestic and foreign domains. With this overall notion in mind, the present article intends to look into the situation in the Arab countries of the Middle East. In more specific terms, the article undertakes to study two major opposition forces in this area; namely Islamists and liberal democrats, and examines their attitudes and mutual relationships. Furthermore, the relationships between Arab governments and these opposition forces are studied. Based on the analysis of the history and current situation of each of these two forces, the authors proceed to examine their mutual relationships and also explore the future political outlook in these countries.

The current political and security situation in Afghanistan seems quite complex, with little promising outlook for an end to the crisis. Given the current gloomy outlook, the present article tries to analyze the situation and look for possible ways out of the crisis. It addresses the question of southern borders-from a historical viewpoint-as one of the main causes of enduring crisis in Afghanistan. In light of the historical background of the border region between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the tense, difficult relations between the two countries in this regard, the focus in the article will be on the developments in the border region after the fall of the Taliban regime and the occupation of the country, and not the post -9/11 developments in Afghanistan per se. In the author’s view, preservation of the status quo in Afghanistan might help provide the necessary milieu over time for finding a comprehensive solution towards resolving the crisis and establishment of peace and stability in the country. 

This article studies the role of "ideology" in Iran's foreign policy with from the vantage point of the two major outlooks in international relations; namely, realism and idealism. Based on the ideological–religious–nature of the governing political system in Iran in the post-1979 period, the country’s foreign policy has been generally considered ideological, even though it cannot be asserted that it has automatically been either compatible or in conflict with either of the above outlooks. Deconstruction of the concepts of ideology, foreign policy, and national interest in these two major outlooks shows that ideology–defined in broad sense-plays a more or less important role in the foreign policy of all countries. But, it plays a much more prominent role in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an ideological state. Application of a deconstructive study of the role ideology in foreign policy to the particular case of Iran shows the reasons for continuity or change in the country’s foreign policy, and also its compatibility or non–compatibility with "national interest.” The present study might pose a challenge to those who study Iran's foreign policy in terms of the sole requirements of one of the major outlooks, be it ideological, constructivist, realist, idealist or a combination thereof (such as realist idealist or idealist realist). The theoretical framework presented in this article needs to be complemented with further practical studies in this field.

Iran is an energy-producing-exporting country and energy plays a very important role in its national economy. Given this, the present article will address the question of energy diplomacy and its role in serving and promoting the national interest of Iran in the future. It is argued in the essay that energy diplomacy as a well–defined, coherent set of policies and measures based on comprehensive analysis of existing realities and possible future options, and if executed efficiently, can help safeguard and promote the country’s national interest in the energy field. It can also help in devising proper national approach and policy in response to international developments in the field of energy, such as the conclusion of international agreements like the Nobocco Pipeline or the establishment of the gas exporting countries forum. The article will first discuss energy diplomacy and its main components, and then proceeds to review the future world energy outlook, and Iran's future energy markets. And finally, the author will endeavor to present some recommendations with regard to Iran’s energy diplomacy in the future.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are generally considered as the most influential non-governmental organizations in the field of human rights at the international level. Their extensive activities in defense of human rights, including their annual and periodic reports on the violation of human rights in various countries and declarations on specific cases and situations, have served a number of functions. They are credited with, among others, bringing the situation of human rights violations to world attention, promoting human rights norms at the international level, including at the United Nations, and even effecting change in human rights policies of countries. The present article undertakes to briefly review the history of the activities of two organizations as well as their interaction with the Islamic Republic of Iran. It tries to explore and present some recommendations for expanding the possibilities for interaction and cooperation between Iran and these well-known international NGOs.