Among the various of Sasanian kings, Narseh (293-302 A.D.) is the one whose important and striking rock relief remained at Naqsh-i Rustam in Iran’s Fars province. This relief records investiture ceremony from Anahita (known as Goddess of fertility and protector of water).Until now, various views and interprations have been put forwarded about the real identity and historical theme of this relief. But the attribution of a lady to Shapurdokhtak II (Narseh's wife) is the latest and most controversial view given by Alireza Shapur Shahbazi, who has conducted excavations and archaeological studies at Takht-i Jamshid for several years.In fact, this attribution has also provoked the authors of the present article hence, he has tried to highlight the depiction through opinions of various researches. The present study supports the accuracy and validity of the attributed lady to water goddess Anahita and refuses other theories.

Naryousang is one of the ancient Gods who in the Zoroastrian world arose as a mighty angel. In Manavis mythology also this Deity established his central position.Declining fame and significance of a God or its growing fame and significance is usually accompanied with transformation in the cultural system which stems from a transition in the structure and the relationship between the binary oppositions which are the main determiner of that cultural system.This article aims at investigating and analyzing the changes befallen the God, Naryousang in different periods in Iran and the other neighboring cultures such as the Greek and Roman.

Sassanid dynasty was founded by Ardeshir Babakan. A magnificent and vast government which was stabilized by his son shahpoor. The political development caused some changes in administrative and social organizations of the country, so the need for a position to administer this complex and vast organization was felt.This complexity and administrative change could be seen by a comparison between the list of Shahpoor's court men and Ardeshir's court men in Naghshe Rostam Inscription and the existence of Farmadher position.As we get close to the middle of the fifth century A.D, we see more development in administrative system. We can notice the important role of Visier (administer) in this age by looking at the power and authority of Vozorg the Farmadher a prototype of the Great Vizier in Islamic period.

During the Arsacids Empire The Arsacids of Armenia because of the relative causal And relationship with the Iranian rulers had always been an ally of Iran against Rome; But With the fall of the Arsacids and ascendency of the Sassanids in Iran, began a new chapter in the relations of Armenia with Iran and Rome. Unlike the period before the Arsacids of Armenia has always been at the forefront in the struggle between Iran and Rome were counter the influence of the Roman Empire, this time with the fall of the Arsacids in Iran and the rise of the Sassanid dynasty, the Arsacids of Armenia were in alliance with the enemies of the Sassanids. In the meantime, the Sassanids also followed a tense policy towards Armenia in the face of the Roman Empire and took the lead in the successive wars of Ardashir and his successor, Shapur with the Roman Empire over Armenia was, in the end, success Shapur in Armenia was under colonize. So that the middle of the third century AD, Armenia became the headquarters of the Sassanid forces were at war with Rome. The Arsacids kings of Armenia in this period to stay against the Sassanids damage, defected to the Roman Empire And from Rome on some parts of Western Armenia remained under Roman rule, as puppet kings ruled Rome. Parthian influence in Armenia so far was that Narseh after the defeat of the emperor of the Roman Empire at the end of the third century, Calling for acceptance and going back Tiridates, the Parthian prince before the Sassanid forces of the Roman Empire had taken refuge.

The rock reliefs of Sassanid era are perfect examples of a political ideal, namely the unity between religion and kingdom. The religious elements and characters which are used in these rock reliefs, especially in the diadem gaining rites, are indication of Sassanian kings’ desire to emphasize on the unity between religion and kingdom. Although Sassanians emphasized on the Zoroastrian monism, Sassanian kings depicted the triangular relation between Ahura Mazda-Mithra-and Anahita in the rock reliefs of their diadem gaining rites. Ardeshir, Shapour, and Bahram I, all take the royal ring from Yazata, Ahura Mazda. Narseh owes his sovereignty to Ahura Mazda and Anahita which he gains his royal diadem from them, separately. Ardeshir II takes the royal ring from Ahura Mazda in the presence of Anahita; and Piruz I is honored to be in the presence of both yazatas, Ahura Mazda and Anahita, while taking the royal ring from Ahura Mazda by his right hand. Regarding the fact that the great Yazata, Ahura Mazda, was usually in charge of giving the royal diadem to kings in Sassanian rock reliefs, shall we ask what is the religious justification behind the presence of Anahita and Mithra in such representations? Shall we try to answer this question in a religious way? Were Anahita and Mithra of that high status which their presence in diadem-giving rites, along with Ahura Mazda could double the legitimacy of Sassanian kings? Or their presence in rock reliefs was the result of interconnection between existing social, political and economic issues with Yazatas individual actions? Also we should mention the presence of Yazata, Bahram, in Ardeshir I relief in Naqsh-e Rajab and alien goddess Nike. According to the historical and archaeological evidence, the presence of these two Yazatas was a reflection of social and political issues rather than a matter of religious fluctuations in different times of Sassanian era. To confirm this claim, we can mention two examples: first, the presence of Mitra in Ardeshir II rock relief and second, the presence of Anahita besides Ahura Mazda in Taq-e-Bostan, both appearing at first sight to be the two instances of Sassanian faith in religious trinity. Political, economic and cultural turmoil in different periods of Sassanid dynasty, sometimes forced Sassanian kings to resort to the most influencing state media, which were rock reliefs. Contrary to the putative interpretation, it seems more likely that Ardeshir II appealed to Mitra for the sake of political legitimacy and proving his royal authenticity. Likewise, Pirouz regained the social safety, balance, and security of his reign by his deliberate appeal to Anahita. Yazata, Bahram or Hercules, plays an important role in Bahram I’ s political game and this Sassanian king, Bahram I, could gain historical credit to his reign by mentioning the presence of Bahram in Ardeshir I, Bahram I’ s ancestor, rock relief. Foreign policies and honors found their way into reliefs too. For example, Shapour I, at the peak of his power and strength depicted Nike in his relief and with doing so, showed off his dominance over many important Aniranian realms. Even the emergence of Nike in Shapour I rock relief debts much to the political issues as well as Aniranian reflections in empire rather than changes in Sassanian religious system and dominance of foreignism. According to the historical and archaeological evidences, the presence of these two Yazatas was a reflection of social and political issues rather than a matter of religious fluctuations in different times of Sassanian Era. This research is used on comparative analysis of historical documents and archaeological data via Historical Analysis view.

To evaluate the effect of cobalt source and level on blood parameters and performance, 30 indigenous breed male goat kids of 3-5 months age, with an average BW of 17. 8± 2. 5 kg were assigned to five treatments in a completely randomized design: 1. Basal diet containing 0. 076 mg Co/kg DM (Control), 2. basal diet + 0. 25 mg Co/kg DM as Co-sulphate (sulphate 0. 25), 3. basal diet + 0. 5 mg Co/kg DM as Co-sulphate (sulphate 0. 5), 4. basal diet + 0. 25 mg Co/kg DM as co-glucoheptonate (glucoheptonate 0. 25), 5. basal diet + 0. 5 mg Co/kg DM as Co-glucoheptonate (glucoheptonate 0. 5). Goat kids receiving 0. 5 ppm of Co from glucoheptonate had higher DMI compared to control. Final body weight and average daily gain was affected by the level of Co supplement and was significantly higher in 0. 5 ppm receiving treatments. However, feed conversion ratio did not differ significantly between treatments and differences were only numerical. Cobalt supplements affected serum glucose and vitamin B12 and the highest difference was for glucoheptonate 0. 5 treatment. Although the glucoheptonate 0. 5 treatment differed significantly with control, there were no significant differences with other treatments. Cobalt treatments had no significant effect on serum biochemical and hematological parameters. In general, the level of cobalt had a significant effect on goat performance given that higher levels of cobalt caused greater dry matter intake and average daily gain. The results of the present study showed that the requirement level of 0. 07 mg/d for goats is marginally adequate and the organic Co source performed better in the rumen for vitamin B12 synthesis and consequently glucoseand goat performance was better at 0. 5 as compared to 0. 25 mg Co/Kg DM.

The empowerment of Zoroastrian Magi as a social class was intertwined with the emperors’ power to the extent that the political power of Magi can be regarded as a discontinued historical process with ups and downs. This paper attempts to reassess an apparent contrast between historical narratives and archeological findings (e. g. rock reliefs) concerning the political empowerment of Zoroastrian Magi in the beginning of Sassanid Empire until the reign of Narseh. According to the historical narratives, the Sassanid founding fathers, Ardashir and his Successor Shapur I, emphasized ecumenism (i. e. the possession of political sovereignty and religious power by emperor. ) However, according to the rock reliefs of the 3rd century, shortly after Shapur I, with the rise of Bahram I, a structural split occurred between the emperor’ s power as the sovereign and the power of Magi. Bahram I’ s reign is the first historical period in which Zoroastrian Magi, represented as a social class, obtained a political superiority. Roughly speaking, in this epoch which spanned for almost two decades (the reign of Bahram I, Bahram II, and Bahram III, ) one institutionalized reading of Zoroastrianism developed by an elite Magi, i. e. “ Kartir” , became dominant over others and turned steadily into the Imperial religion. The above contrast can be formulated, as follows: given the fact that an ecumenical power is the ultimate form of sovereignty in a monarch system, why and how a Kartir could gain authoritatively a significant share of power? Through adopting an historical approach, the authors pursue the roots of answer in three related political phenomena: First, the quarrel between Bahram I and Narseh; second, the trial and the execution of Mani the prophet; and third, the institutionalization of Zoroastrianism as the Imperial religion.

Due to the written history of urbanization, the City of Bishapur is counted as one of the Sassanid era's valuable examples. Through this city, valuable buildings and monuments were obtained, including the temple of Anahita, hall of Chalipa, eastern and western Ivans (loggias), and related ornaments such as stucco and mosaic. The eastern mosaic Ivan (loggia) is one of the fundamental discoveries and components of the Bishapour royal citadel (Figure 5), built in front of Anahita temple, Valerian palace, and hall of Chalipa. This Ivan has the most sets of intact mosaics. It is believed that the Roman prisoners (captured during the battle of Shahpour I and Valerian) were among the first people to teach the Iranians the art of mosaic imagery. May we emphasize that this story cannot be accepted for certain and requires further research. Today, studying the images on mosaics and comparing them with available historical and religious data gives us a new opportunity to interpret them differently than what our ancestors have been telling us for all these years and centuries. Comparing these images with those engraved on Sasanid plates tells us how Anahita (Persian goddess of fertility and wisdom) provides blessings and wisdom for kings and emperors. There is a strong possibility that these mosaics are dated back to Narseh's reign, 7th Sasanid king, and Shahpur I son. The Bishapur eastern mosaic porch (Ivan) is the precious remnant of the Sassanid era in which the greatest amount and most intact mosaics were obtained. The art of creating images using mosaic was pretty much rare in Iran. It is considered that this art found its way to Iran through Roman captivity after the war of ShapurI and Valerian. The study of the mosaic Ivan ornaments is important because it helps us know more about the city's use and historical interventions in it. Neglecting some of the details in motifs and attribution of making these decorations to Roman captives made it necessary to re-examine mosaics and their details. A review of the mosaic motifs and comparing them with historical and religious documents represent a new interpretation that can lead to a more understanding of the construction time and a clearer view of eastern Ivan's role within the royal palace. The purpose of this article is to re-read the mosaic motifs of the eastern Ivan to understand the architectural use of the mosaic Ivan, the possible period of construction, and understanding the story told by mosaics. This historical and descriptive study was conducted by comparing the images and motifs. Based on the results and findings of comparing mosaic motifs with reliefs and the same motifs on dishes and containers, the mosaics' images can be considered a glorious ceremony of giving splendor by the goddess Anahita to an important person (Figure 7). But who is this person? Considering the incompleteness of the mosaic motifs in the northwest and southwest fronts of the Ivan, it is impossible to express the person's identity in question (Figure 9). Still, by reviewing historical events and examining the fundamental changes in the art of this period during different years, perhaps a new hypothesis can be put forward about the possibility of building an Ivan by someone other than Shapur I. The first step is to search among the people who showed the most attention towards the goddess Anahita and showed her their support. The importance of this goddess is evident in the Sassanid Dynasty. But what is the reason for not attributing the mosaics to the Shapur I? With Shapur I's arrival, the image of Anahita was removed from coins and was replaced by Ahura Mazda. While even the quality of implementation of motifs is not the same as the similar examples built by the Romans in Antioch (Figure 4), how can solely because of the presence of Roman captives at Bishapur, assign the construction of mosaics to them? Also, Ivan's space in Bishapour is different from the Ivans in other royal buildings in the Sassanid period (Figure 1). Neither of these two porches is located along the principal axes of the Chalipa Hall. This is so obvious that Girshman does not consider the period of construction of the mosaic Ivan and the hall of Chalipa to be simultaneous. Sarfaraz has also found another layer of red mortar under the mosaic layer of the mosaic courtyard (western mosaic Ivan), which was thought to be the oldest flooring layer. Before examining Anahita's clothing, it is necessary to return to the issue of the dissimilarity of the Ivan with other spaces called Ivan in royal palaces. Lionel Bier believes that the discovered parts are a small part of a larger building. Azarnoush also considers the two buildings of the west and east Ivans along with the Chalipa Hall as a temple for the worship of Anahita. According to this, the Bishapour royal citadel plan was compared with the plan of an important religious complex such as Takht-e Soleiman. The number of similar cases in terms of plan form and the arrangement of spaces and structure is so numerous that the possibility of religious use for Bishapour can be considered probable (Figure 2). Furthermore, during the first Hormozd, Anahita's dress was different on the coins than the clothes in the mosaics of Bishapur. In the coins related to the second Bahram, her crown lacks a bullet above the head. So, the first similarities in the motifs of mosaics with Anahita are visible from the period of Narseh. According to Girshman, in the third century AD, the Sassanids' woolen and silk fabrics rarely had a pattern. We should consider that the use of patterns on the fabric has probably become common with the construction of weaving centers in Khuzestan by Shapur II (Table 1). In terms of clothes, hair, and narrated subjects, mosaics' motifs have tremendous similarities with relief and motifs of coin attributed to the Anahita in the next periods. Also, there are some similarities in the description of the fifth Yasht regarding Anahita's appearance with a piece of the mosaic decorated with the woman lying on the pillow. Therefore, it should be studied in the history between 276 to 379 AD from Bahram II to Shapur II. Finally, by comparing the motifs of Mosaic Ivan with other remaining motifs of the goddess Anahita on the coins of the Sassanid period, the motifs attributed to Anahita on the carvings and sculptures discovered from the Arbabi mansion of Hajiabad, it was concluded that the motifs implemented on the mosaics are completely Iranian in terms of faces, clothes, and sitting posture. The weakness in the implementation of the motifs and the method of preparing the Bishapour mosaics is probably due to the implementation of those who learned this art from Roman captives in the past and later performed it at the request of the king. During these 100 years, one of the people who explicitly mentions the goddess Anahita is Narseh, Shapur I's son. Since his monarchy has been taken away, he clearly turns to Anahita and receives the ring of power from her (Figure 6). Narseh owes this victory to the goddess Anahita's support, so he wants to show the power, glory, and support of Anahita. The best place for this is his hometown, which was established by the order of the powerful Sassanid king, Shapur I. According to the issues mentioned above, it is more likely that the mosaics were made by order of Narseh to thank the goddess Anahita and to show her support in a city that is probably a collection for the worship of this goddess.

According to some contracts and testaments attributed to the Sassanid kings that have been reached to us by historians of the Islamic period, the process of choosing a king was done by the king himself. Another method was reported in Tansar's letter to Gošnasb, in which there were permanent associations for the selection of the king, whose duty was to select the successor after the death of the king, which included Mobadān Mobad, Mahasht's secretaries (Head of secretaries), and Sepāhbod Sepahbazān (Commander-in-Chief of the Army). Until the translation of the Shapur I inscription on Zoroaster's Ka’ba, our knowledge about the women of the Sassanid court was limited to the information we had through the narrations of historians of the Islamic period. By translating Shapur's inscription, new dimensions of power, through noble women and their influence on the issue of succession and legitimacy of the first Sassanid kings, appeared for the researchers. In this research, our effort is to open the third side in the power triangle of the Sassanid period, which was the influential women of the court, with a descriptive-analytical method. Therefore, the status of noble women in the court of Sassanid kings from Ardashir I to Narseh (224-302 AD) and the position of noble women in the coming to power of the kings of this dynasty will be examined. Our case study among these women is “Šāpūrdoxtak ", the Bahram II’ wife and Bahram III’ mother, who was most likely chosen as the crown prince of the Sassanid king for a while.

Some historical stories, especially because of their religious themes, appeal to the ordinary people in some societies and have been retold in different ways during the time. One of these stories is the story of Prophet Yusuf, which has been frequently considered not only in the history of the Qur'an interpretational tradition by commentators and authors in the field of ethics but also in the history of Iranian poetry, art, and literature. The two important scenes of this story are Yusuf escaping from Zulaykha and also Zulaykha`s party which are considered the two tempting climaxes of Yusuf's story as well. These two scenes refer to moral aspects, on the one hand, and to sexuality on the other. These dramatic and figural scenes have been repeatedly represented in the history of Iranian painting, especially in the Safavid and Qajar eras. There are many paintings in the Qajar era also seemingly referring to and evoking this scene for audience. As a social fantasy, discussed in this paper, the Naranjborii Majlis or Zulaykha`s party somehow discards moral aspects for the sake of sexuality. This scene, not mentioned in the Torah at all and briefly mentioned in the Qur'an, is highly taken into consideration by commentators, poets, writers, painters, and the ordinary people in post-Qur'anic literature in all historical periods, especially in Iran. Therefore, one can question this importance and look for its historical and cultural roots; the visual functions of it can be questioned as well. This essay, with a descriptive and synthetic analytical method, tries to gene-analyze this scene in a social and psychoanalytical approach regarding the collective unconscious of Iranian people. Gene-analysis in this paper provides a theoretical and conceptual framework alongside a methodological and targeted combination of myth-analysis, psycho-analysis, and discourse analysis, with the help of which one can find the mythological origin of this scene and comparatively analyse them in terms of discourse, and expectedly, in terms of psychoanalysis, to know about the conscious and unconscious psychological investment of the collective subject. The results justified that the Creation Myth scene in Bondahish, one of the holy books in Zoroastrianism in the late Sassanian era, is the figural model of Zulaykha's party, also Nerse and Jahi are the archetypal characters of Yusuf and Zulaykha with the same roles and characteristics. The paintings of Zulaykha`s party can present dense and multiple and at the same time contradictory scenarios and can also be a suitable scene for the collective subject`s projection and fantasy; consequently, it causes the multi-faceted circulation of desires and anxiety in an unconscious way. What is considered to be the most significant point of this study is that Yusuf is deemed an attractive prototype for kings, beautiful men and women; like Fath Ali Shah, due to the correlation of power (holiness) and beauty (connected with sexuality). Finally, what can be inferred from this paper is that, this scene due to some indigenous reasons, rooted in Iranian culture and history, has been repeatedly represented in the history of Iranian painting.