Salafiyah appeared among the Sunni community as a religious movement in a critical manner and gradually took on a political color which eventually changed into a political movement. After a while, their religious strife caused some discrepancies between leaders and followers. A group of them called “Jamieh” supported the government and considered the obedience of the ruler (King) necessary. The second group, “Srurieh”, by individualization of “Fatva” prepared the ground for disobedience to the ruler (king).The third party, “Qotbieh“, with their jihadist propaganda, promoted the idea of Sultanate punishment if his behavior was not Islamic. Finally, the fourth group called “Al Qaeda”, Came up with a combination of skepticism in Srurie and jihadist propaganda of Qotbiye and initiated the world struggle and the extremism. This essay describing these Salafi movements, explains their evolution from subjection to extremism. For the authors, the most important factor of this evolution, is the social and political conditions prevailing in the Muslim world and the processes that govern the relations between the countries in the new world order.

The controversial concept of “sighar” in verse 29 of Surah At-Tawbah has always been a focal point in defining the relationship between the Islamic state and the People of the Book. This study, using a descriptive-analytical method with a comparative approach, examines this concept within Islamic tradition and posits that the duality in interpreting “sighar” stems from two conflicting theological-political premises. Findings indicate that Islamic tradition has diverged into two main interpretive paths: the guidance-psychological logic, which sees “sighar” as a tool to exert psychological pressure and prepare for the invitation to Islam; and the obedience-legal logic, which reduces it to compliance with law and public order. By critically examining both currents, this article shows that the Islamic texts themselves have the potential to move beyond this impasse through a third examination knowns as “sighar as a dynamic quality within the dhimma (Dhimma”: the protected legal status of non-Muslims under an Islamic state, involving rights, obligations, and payment of jizya) contract.” This comprehensive understanding, derived from the combination of the principles of “dynamic authority of the ruler” and “contractual nature of the dhimma,” transforms “sighar” from a fixed ruling into a flexible variable, determined by the ruler based on interests and circumstances, ranging from minimal legal obligations to the application of legitimate restrictions.

This article aims to examine the representation of power relations, disciplinary practices and defiance in Houshang Moradi Kermani's school story, The Smile of the Pomegranate, through a Foucauldian lens. Employing a descriptive-interpretive approach and thematic data analysis, this research is situated within the field of comparative literature as defined by Henry Remak (1961), who posits that comparative literature is concerned with the relationships between literature and various other fields of knowledge, including sociology. Given that Foucault's perspective explores intersection of literature with broader social dimensions of power relations and disciplinary practices, this research aligns with the sociological aspect of comparative literature. The findings indicate that the fictional characters are transformed into docile bodies that serve the utility and productivity of society through the implementation of significant disciplinary techniques such as examination, surveillance, hierarchical observation, documentation, internalization, and normalization, along with micro-penalties related to time, speech, and behavior. Moreover, the story elucidates the complicity of the family with the school institution in the formation of docile bodies. to mold pupils into docile bodies, the headmaster suppresses students' inherent childhood playfulness, viewing it as a hindrance to the cultivation of productivity. The use of symbols and proper names functions as a mechanism for disciplinary practices as well. Nevertheless, this story also introduces a form of resistance that diverges from Foucault's framework. While Foucault envisions resistance within existing power structures, the character’s resistance in this story seeks to radically subvert the entire disciplinary system, thereby challenging the conventional hierarchy between child and adult.

The research question is: "How has the phenomenon of boycotting participation and resistance against it in the Iranian presidential elections of 1400 A.H. been formed among the boycotters of this election?".To study,the theoretical foundations of Gramsci's hegemony, the concept of governance and the history of discrete protests and the apparatus of resistance of the plebeian classes in Foucault's view and the ideological apparatus of the state in Althusser's view have been used. The result of the research shows that the occurrence of the election boycott action after the end of the first leadership period (charismatic leadership). It was formed in this way and until 2021AD. It has contracted and expanded due to various reasons and conditions. Also, the marginalization and plebeianization of various social groups by the political system and the success of the majority of voters in boycotting the elections, will cause the repetition of the boycott, the generalization of the refusal to participate in politics, the expansion and deepening of resistance and the multiplication of power in Iran's social system in the future.

Research Institute of Islamic Sciences and Culture Social inequality between men and women, lack of equal opportunities for them, gender discrimination and oppression of women in different eras in western societies caused the creation of movements for women's rights. The feminism movement is the most influential intellectual and social movement to gain equal rights and achieve social justice. The main claim of feminism is the domination and subjugation of women, and the most important factor behind this subjugation and oppression is marriage and family formation. According to feminists, women can achieve equal personal and social positions if they do not have to endure marriage and its consequences, especially wifehood and motherhood. Therefore, by reporting historical evidences and examples of oppression of women and relying on the moral value of seeking justice, on the cruelty of marriage and as a result its immorality, they try to make arguments for amending the laws related to marriage or abolishing it in general. to establish In this article, the feminists' point of view about the immorality of marriage has been examined and criticized.

This article analyses the experience of Kurdish women's silence based on their understanding and interpretation of gender and their position in the fields of work, family, and education. The aim is to show the social and semantic complexities of the phenomenon of Kurdish women‘ silence. It has been conducted, using theoretical sampling and individual interviews with 20 Kurdish women, as well as focus interviews in a group of six, in the framework of interpretive-constructivist approach and the thematic analysis technique. The results have been framed under the two main themes of hegemonic and strategic silence, along with sub-themes. They show that women give different meanings to their silence by remaining mute in different situations while using various strategies. The consequences of each of these types of silence can include those silences that re-establish or disrupt the hegemonic meanings of gender and domination. The study shows that the experience of silence lies in a range of subjugation on the one hand, and subjectivity and agency on the other. Moreover, the boundary between victim and agent cannot be considered a clear and inflexible one.

Early marriage of girls, especially in rural areas, not only causes harm and complications for the individual, but also has various consequences for the family and the rural community. The purpose of this research is to deeply study the phenomenon of early marriage of rural girls and to understand the causal conditions and its consequences. In terms of methodology, the current research is qualitative and based on Grounded theory, which theories were used to increase theoretical sensitivity. The studied population was married women of Puldekhtar villages. The sampling method was also "purposive and theoretical sampling". The tool of data collection was "in-depth interview", based on which theoretical saturation was achieved after interviewing 18 of these women. In order to analyze the data, the "Strauss and Corbin" approach was used. The findings show that the central phenomenon of this research is "early marriage as subjugation". The causal conditions governing this phenomenon include "gender collective unconscious and fear of absolute celibacy". Background conditions include "social supervision as a social blockage, marriage as a normative moral tour and fatalism" and the intervening conditions on the central phenomenon are: "competitive tendencies, inefficiency of university education, livelihood and calculation". The strategy in facing this phenomenon is "surrender and adaptation" and its consequence is "inhibition from education, dominance and violence, sexual exploitation and mental and motivational crisis".

In this article, the author has attempted to inquire about the relevance of Ali Shariati's critique of Durkheim's sociology of religion. There are innumerable studies on Durkheim and the Durkheimian sociology of religion but we have almost no comprehensive research on the Shariatian reading of the Durkheimian sociology of religion. Here, the author has worked on the notion of elementary form of religion as understood by Durkheim within the Shariatian frame of reference. Shariati argues that Durkheim has misunderstood the question of elementariness by equating the 'collective soul' and 'religious emotion' as in Shariati's view these two are fundamentally different in kind and substance. In other words, here the author is attempting to legitimize the Shariatian frame of reference while engaging the Durkheim's sociology of religion.