Introduction In the literature of geopolitical studies, the convergence of two countries has always been considered as their political, economic, and strategic intermingling. International convergences can both promote the geopolitical status of a country and expand its influence on geopolitical domains. Based on the status and functions played by Islamic Republic of Iran and Arab Republic of Egypt in the affairs of the Middle East, the existence of barriers to the convergence of the two countries can bring about considerably far-reaching consequences in this geographical region. Thus, the present study aimed to investigate the most significant barriers to the convergence of Iran and Egypt (in the period between 2018 and 2022). The study was applied in terms of purpose and implemented a descriptive-analytical methodology. The population consisted of all experts, specialists, and university professors in geopolitics and international relations, and Cochran’, s formula(William Cochran) determined the sample size at 50. The obtained means were analyzed using SPSS(Statistical Package for the Social Sciences). The results showed that transregional, regional, and domestic factors were the most significant barriers to the convergence of Iran and Egypt, and trans-regional factors were more pronounced in this regard. In other words, Egypt’, s support of the intensified military presence of the U. S. in the Middle East, the Iranian ideology of exporting its revolution to the Middle East and North Africa, Iran’, s support for the resistance front, and Egypt’, s approval of “, Abraham Accords”,have had the most significant impacts on the increased divergence between Islamic Republic of Iran and Arab Republic of Egypt. Methodology The present study was applied-developmental in terms of its goals and could be classified as a descriptive-analytical one in terms of its nature and methods. As the goal was to investigate the most remarkable obstacles against the convergence of Iran-Egypt relations (2018-22), the data were collected using the library method and field investigations, including questionnaires, interviews, and field observations. The population of the study consisted of all specialists, university professors, and experts in political geography, political science, and international relations, and the sample size was determined at 44 using Cochran’, s formula. However, the sample size was increased to 50 to enhance the reliability of the results. The sampling was performed using the snowball sampling technique. Moreover, the obtained reliability coefficient was 0. 75, which indicated the acceptability of the results. Results and Discussion The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a country with unique characteristics and a distinct status in strategic developments, is always influenced by changes and transformations in the international system and influences them in return. Undoubtedly, Iran is an influential country due to its special geopolitical, geo-economic, and geo-cultural features and plays roles much beyond a regional or local country. The Islamic Republic and the formation of a new attitude concerning the nature of the international system, the political issues of the Middle East, Iran’, s strategies in opposing the U. S. as a hegemonic power, and the prioritization of the Islamic ideology in foreign relations transformed Iran’, s relations with some countries, including Egypt. In the meantime, the gloomy relations, which originated from past occurrences (particularly during the 1980s and 1990s) between Iran and Egypt have been evident. Investigating the relationships between Iran and Egypt since the Islamic Revolution of Iran indicates that the relations have always been challenging. In general, the relations between Tehran and Cairo have been influenced by a set of convergent and divergent factors, and attempts to improve the relations through political solutions and diplomatic contact have been futile due to various factors and causes. Thus, based on the above points, the present study aimed to answer the following questions: what are the most significant factors in the divergence of Iran-Egypt relations as two influential countries in the Middle East? Conclusion The investigations carried out in the present study showed that the main reason that cut diplomatic ties between Iran and Egypt could be attributed to several factors, and all of them were divided into three major classes: domestic factors, regional factors, and trans-regional factors. In this regard, after presenting the results and descriptive findings, a variable was proposed based on the views of 50 experts and specialists in international relations, political geography, and geopolitics who filled out questionnaires distributed in the study. The results showed that trans-regional factors played the most significant role in the divergence of the relations between the two countries, and Egypt’, s support of the intensification of the U. S. ’, s military activities in the Middle East, Iran’, s policy of exporting its revolution to the countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Iran’, s support of the Axis of Resistance, and Egypt’, s backing of the Abraham Accords in the Arab States of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East had the most significant effects on increasing the divergence. Moreover, other causes included the Camp David Accords, Iran’, s support of the resistance movement, increased socioeconomic relationships between Egypt and Israel, Egypt’, s fears of Egyptians’,aggravated sympathies toward Imams and the family members of Prophet Mohammad, and naming a street in Tehran after Khalid El Islambouli. Nevertheless, any suggestions to facilitate the normalization of the relationships between the two countries require the elites’,will, particularly that of their top decision-makers.

Collapse of the Soviet Union is considered as the most significant development happened in the last decades of the previous century. Transformation of power relations and balance of forces at regional level as well as activation of transregional and particularly regional powers to maintain their presence and extend their influence over southern Soviet Union could be mentioned as consequences of such a development. This is while; these powers had been previously prohibited from playing active roles by the Soviet Union. In this big game, the main rivalry has been developed between Iran and Turkey, two regional powers that border Central Asia and Caucasus and enjoy significant geographical and historical status in addition to an ancient civilization. The article reveals that despite current commonalities, these two countries have faced some barriers to integration in Central Asia. The paper proceeds with studying the most common obstacles, i.e. ideological and economic rivalry as well as confrontation between regional roles (geopolitics).

The fall of the U.S.S.R. and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States (C.I.S), created a new situation in the northern borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article intends to study the regional integration in the South Caucasia, based on integrative approaches. The objective of this paper is in fact to analyze the possibility of integration of the Azerbaijan republics with those of Armenia and Georgia, drawing on Cantori and Spiegel theories of integration, and the effect of this integration on the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. At the end, the author aims to examine the obstacles in the development of relation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the South Caucasian states.

The present article, tries to examine and identify the elements of inefficiency of the Arab League from a theoretical and structural view point in achieving integration and political unity. In this direction the article first pays attention to integration theories in international relations to have a deep understanding of the integration process in the Arab League and then studies the disintegration factors and inefficiency of this regional organization. What are the important disintegrating factors in the Arab League? The present article believes that internal (structural) elements have been the determining factor for disintegration among member countries. On the basis of this assumption different variables which influence and impede the integration process have been analyzed. The most important factors which can be mentioned are the lack of democratic experience, patrimonial (patriarchal) political system, different perceptions about the concept of nationalism, dependent political regimes, lack of support for most political rulers, the reliance of these rulers on colonial powers, lack of belief in real religious values and other factors. But it should be emphasized that among the above said factors two factors namely lack of democratic experience and patrimonial political system are having the most important impact upon their failure to reach unity and integrity.The factors which were enumerated above are the internal challenges of integration and political unity among the union members. Therefore, paying attention to the process of integration on the basis of commonalities can decrease tension, differences and obstacles on the path of unity in the Arab League. The aim of the present article is pointing out the common grounds for integration and suggesting ways to strengthen their bond of friendship.

Historically, Central Asia and the Caucasus has been the source of important developments in the regional and global level. The whole geopolitical theories in the 20th and 21st century paid special attention to this area. Geopolitical status of the region has posed challenges for residents and even neighbors of the region. These challenges can be described as the divergence factors. Therefore, this study tries to investigate the fragile and divergent geopolitical factors in this region. The methodology of this research is analytical-descriptive. The basic question is that what and how geopolitical factors prevent the formation of regional integration in Central Asia and the Caucasus? It seems that geopolitical factors such as Geo-economy, enclosed position and inadequate access, placement in the marginal and the reciprocity of interests, identities and ideologies made the region fragile in stability and regional relations. Hence, there has been no convergence in the Caucasus and Central Asia.

Purpose: Islam is the focal point and central point for identifying and identifying Islamic societies and governments. However, the component of religious identity in the contemporary international system, and in particular the foreign policy of Islamic states, has failed to act as a major proponent and play a central role in shaping foreign relations and interactions And at times, relying on some Islamic thought has led to divisions and even severe crises and conflicts. Method: The purpose of this article is to examine the role-creating barriers and the genuine function of religious identity in Islamic societies through the descriptive-analytical method, the challenges of promoting the convergence of the Islamic world in the field of international relations such as deviant currents and extremes. Consider nationalism and to answer the key question of how can the component of religion be in its true position as a major driver for the design of future interactive geometry of the Islamic world? Findings: The basic premise is that in order to achieve future convergence in the Muslim world, it is necessary to revitalize and restore the status of a shared religious identity through solutions such as consensus-based redefinition of shared religious literature; It made it a strategic priority. Conclusion: The study concludes that education and scientific synergy both at the micro level (such as the proximity of the elites of the Islamic world) and at the systemic level can enhance religious identity and convergence of Islamic societies.