on Saturday 28th of Isfand 1389, multilateral military operation started in response to internal war and based on UNSC resolution 1973, with partnership of NATO. This operation was in the framework of no fly zone region, and support for non-military people and regions in LIBYA and at the end led to collapse of Gadhafi regime. Operation of odyssey dawn and global response to events in LIBYA turned a new season in humanitarian intervention. This article after a historical review of humanitarian intervention and principal of responsibility for support, analyses events of military operation in LIBYA under the principal of responsibility for support. This operation was the first humanitarian intervention of global community under the principal of responsibility for support.

Purpose: The aim of the present paper is to examin the features and characteristics of a failed state with emphasis on the failed state in LIBYA. The paper seeks to answer the following questions: "Under what conditions does a state end in failure? And what are the criteria of a failed state? " With regard to the situation in LIBYA after Gaddafi and the LIBYAn scene involved in multiple matters, the country can be regarded as a failed state. With the beginning of the Islamic awakening in Tunisia, crisis-prone countries such as LIBYA faced the awakening of the Muslims. In LIBYA, after 9 months of conflict between Gaddafi forces and the revolutionaries, the anti-government forces finally gained victory in August of 2011. Following the victory of the LIBYAn revolutionaries, a new stage began in the socio-political life of the country. At first, it seemed that the process of nation-state building in the country would be taken slowly and with slight ups and downs. However, despite such hope and earlier efforts, after the collapse of the Gaddafi government, not only a powerful state did not take the stage in LIBYA, two governments, two parliaments, two prime ministers and two ministers entered the scence. During these years, LIBYA has been torn in fighting between two groups, one of which claimed that they are the genuine revolutionary forces and the other claimed that they have been trying to restore the country to the path of revolution. In the true sense of the word, there is still no government in LIBYA, and the governments established after the revolution in this country have inherited the inefficiency of Gaddafi's failed state, and are now proceeding along the path of state failure. Considering the situation in post-Gaddafi LIBYA and many other factors, this country could be regarded as a failed state. LIBYA is now a country with a government so weak that is unable to provide even its own security.Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the failed states theory, using the destructive method for exploring failed state indexes in order to examine the failed state in LIBYA in the post-Gaddafi era.Findings: The new achievement of this paper lies within the situation that when there is no ability to perform functions such as security, welfare, civil society, democracy and legitimacy, the government is in a state of bankruptcy and one is faced with a phenomenon known as a failed state. The situation in LIBYA is an example of such a state. Tribal tendencies, regionalism, weakness of state institutions, and insufficiencies in various areas such as proper military structure, consensus among the elites and the state, democratic culture and civil society, elites, religious scholars and leaders, control over lands, infrastructure for economic, and foreign intervention are all signs of a failed state in the country.Originality/Value: The failed state is a political body that has disintegrated to a point where basic conditions and responsibilities of a sovereign government no longer function properly. Loss of control, instability, inability to provide public services and interact with other states are the main characteristics of a failed state which is the case of LIBYA.

Considering the fact that less systemic sensitivity has appeared towards U.S.military actions on the global scale and that the great powers in the international system do not engage in any serious effort at preventing this state, the role of domestic interest groups has increased as has the president’s attention to their opinions. Despite the fact that no serious threat to U.S.security existed and the country’s national interests were not at stake, Barack Obama ordered the use of military force against Muammar Gaddafi. Liberal humanists in the power structure played a crucial role in order to make the necessity of attack inevitable by aggrandizing the threat. By embracing the opinion expressed by the liberal humanists and repeating this aggrandizing for election purposes as well as for preserving his own liberal base, Barack Obama found a military attack on LIBYA rational and necessary.

Following the development and the popular uprisings in LIBYA in early February 2011, and persecuting by government forces and the use of heavy weapons against protesters, the situation of LIBYA changed from an internal repression into a deep crisis. This has caused the United Nations, along with other regional and international organizations like the Arab League, Europe League, the African Union and the Organization of the Islamic Conference to try to resolve the crisis. The organization primarily through preventive measures and recommendations for frequent resolution 1970 imposed financial sanctions and weapons and seek to resolve the crisis and finally following the Resolution 1973 and the deployment of NATO forces and some other members of the United Nations, by the united defender force put an end to this crisis. The UN operation, the presence of NATO and its consequences have been investigated but less attention has been paid to the other parts of the UN in LIBYA, and more attention has been paid to the Security Council. If the council is a very influential element, it is only one of the pillars of the United Nation; therefore, the purpose of the present paper is to provide a comprehensive overview of how the UN functions in LIBYAn crisis. The possible answers to this question will be introduced throughout the paper and we try to prove that the UN had originally tried to minimize the mortality and then goes on to defend civilians to military intervention.

Gaddafi's dictatorial governorship in LIBYA was the one that was ousted in the wake of the revolutionary upheavals of the 2010s, with the mobilization of society and the participation of international institutions and forces. In explaining the collapse of this political regime, internal factors (backward political structure, suffocation and tyranny of the rulers, wave of democratization and new media) and external factors (role of international institutions and forces and major powers) have been raised. This research with a general Understanding has combined the government interaction and globalization processes into two internal and external factors. The results of this research show that globalization in its various economic, social and communicative dimensions has created an understanding and space for human rights discourse in LIBYA. As a result, society realized its depleted theoretical and normative rights and demanded the realization of its political, economic, and cultural rights. With the help of new media which turned into protests and revolution, the regimes’ brutal and repressive confrontation with citizens led to a civil war and human rights enforcement tools. A situation that brought coalition of international institutions together with LIBYAn society and ousted Gaddafi in order to realize the supreme values of freedom and the right to self-determination of the society.

Background: Rotavirus is a common infection causing 450, 000 deaths annually primarily in children 5 years and below. Despite the high burden of disease, little is known about the epidemiology of rotavirus in LIBYA. The aim of this study was to estimate the rotavirus disease burden among LIBYAn children.Methods: A cross-sectional study was carried out prospectively among children 5 years old and below between August 2012 and April 2013. Stool samples of children with diarrhea attending the outpatient department or admitted to the pediatric wards, at three public hospitals within the northwestern region of LIBYA were tested for rotavirus. The seasonality, symptomology demographics and outcomes of rotavirus cases were determined and compared to other diarrhea illnesses. An estimated incidence rate per 100, 000 children aged 5 years and below was determined.Results: A total of 545 children with diarrhea were identified for participation. Results of rotavirus immunoassays determined 57% of cases were caused by rotavirus. Inpatients were more likely to be rotavirus positive than outpatients (58% vs.53%, P<0.05), Most rotavirus positive cases (86%) were found among children below 2 years of age. Rotaviral cases peaked in the winter, constituting 76% of diarrheal illness in February and very few rotavirus cases in the summer months. The incidence rate of rotavirus diarrhea was estimated at 640/100, 000 children aged 5 years and below.Conclusion: Rotavirus infection poses a significant disease burden in LIBYA. Preventive measures such as proper hygiene should be emphasized. Introduction of vaccination against rotavirus into the national immunization program should be examined, as it would likely be a cost-effective investment.

Since the fall of Qaddafi, no government has ever able to establish a unified sovereignty in LIBYA. So today, LIBYA has two independent states: the National Unity Government which is being supported by the United Nations and the interim government formed by the parliament of Tobruk, a supporter of the general, Khalifa Haftar in al-Bayda. In the post-Gaddafi era, it was hoped that the new government could lead LIBYA toward democracy, but, due to the division of sovereignty and political conflict between the seekers of power, a crisis of authority and insecurities caused by violent tribal activists and Salafists led the post-authoritarian state turned out to be regarded as a failed state. With the intensification of conflicts between various political groups, including Haftar and the National Unity Government in Tripoli, the possibility of state-building in this country has been confused. The main question is that "How does the government's crisis in LIBYA's new political conditions affect the security of European countries? " The hypothesis of the article is that "the expansion of civil war and chaos during post-Gaddafi era has led LIBYA, as a failed state, to be a base for the migration of terrorist groups and human trafficking into Europe".

Recent developments and popular uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa and the approach taken by international community to support or not to support civilians against irresponsible and violent behavior of their rulers have led to renewed attention to humanitarian intervention according to doctrine of "responsibility to protect." The question is why, in view of similarities between developments in LIBYA and other regional countries like Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria, the international community is only protecting civilians in LIBYA and no such approach is seen toward other countries?Analysts believe the doctrine of responsibility to protect is the main ground for international community's intervention in LIBYA. This doctrine has been applied in past years to prevent repetition of deadly conflicts and violation of basic human rights as those which took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Congo, Kosovo, Rwanda, Sudan, and Uganda. At least parts of the international community have recognized this doctrine to constitute a norm of international law. The present paper briefly discusses this doctrine in the light of recent regional and international trends and concludes that the doctrine of "Responsibility to Protect" is gradually rising as a concept of customary international law.