Ya' qub-i Laith Saffarid reclaimed a large part of the eastern Islamic Caliphate jurisdiction to the borders of Dar-ol-harb (Dar-ol-kofr) from the Abbasids and their dependents princes. The presence of the Saffarids meant dismissal of the direct pressure of the Muslim conquerors and immigrants on the territories across the Indus. Mibilization of Anti-Caliphate social forces including Ayaran, Motavaeh, Khawarij and other troops of the area, the distance between the Saffarid’s territories from the center of caliphate as well as Ya’qhub’s success in establishing and organizing a government with a highly armed militia, advertantly or inadvertently, led to the formation of a defensive shield upon the north-west portals of India. Such a significant event opened up an opportunity for Hindus to rebuild their community and to postpone the penetration of Islam into their territories for more than a century. Even those cities in which Islamic communities had emerged were gradually assimilated into the Hindu community so that the citizens either followed the looks, customs and rituals, if not the beliefs, of the indigenous people or entered into the domestic crisis of the East Islamic World. Among all the Saffarid assaults on their enemies, it was only the war with the Ratbilan that was within the boders of India and was, thus, directed to the east. Applying a historical method, the present paper investigates the influence of the Saffarids on the cessation of the Arab conquests and migrations to India. The findings also demonstrate that the breakdown of the circle of conquered territories of the Abbasid Caliphate in the east Islamic terrain speeded up with the emergence of the Saffarids. Although such a trend prolonged and even changed the way Muslims, through militaristic measures of the caliphate system, penetrated into India and Indus, it also paved the way for the emergence of the devotees of other opposing religions such as the Ismailis who were at odds with the Abbasid caliphate.

Identifying the historical moment which saw the first Persian speaking poet is a key – and yet confusing and undeterminable-issue in today’ s scholarly circles of Persian language and poetry. According to some scholars, the court of Ya'qub ibn al-Layth al-Saffar and his successors revived Persian language and poetry through shunning the scriptural importance of Arabic language and poetry. In contrast to this observation, the present study believes that the court of Ya'qub ibn al-Layth al-Saffar and his successors – especially in the 10th century CE – did not exercise a linguistic and literary phobia against Arabic language and literature, and that it even encouraged the linguistic and literary status of the Arabic language and poetry in Persian language and poetry. After identifying the status of Arabic language and poetry through surveying pertinent library sources, the present study presents a number of reasons for not considering this court – and, by extension, this period – a revivalist period of Persian language and poetry. Through its analytic-descriptive methodology, the study also believes that the false claim of considering this period revivalist comes from a book called The History of Sistan.

al-Jāḥiẓ (163-255 H. / 780-868 AD) is indisputably the most prominent early Muslim zoologist, as his book entitled Kitāb al-Ḥayawān (Book of Animals) has been, over many centuries, the main reference of the next generations of Muslim Zoologists and other scholars who have somehow dealt in their essays with animals or animals’ role in Arabic culture. Besides different kinds of literature and verbal resources, antecedent and contemporary philologist’s essays, and other available monographs, the Arabic translation of Aristotle’s Historia Animalium, prepared by Syrian scholar, Yaḥya (John) Ibn al-Batrīq, was one of the most important al-Jāḥiẓ’s sources His influence of Aristotle was not only in the form of quotations and adaptations but also, he had many creative inspirations, which resulted in his personal contemplations of surrounding nature. A very illustrious case which discriminates his book from Aristotle’s thoughts and other Islamic zoological texts is a kind of spider with the Arabic name Layth. al-Jāḥiẓ’s detailed account of the hunting etiology of this arthropod shows his creative, active, and accurate nature observations, and could be matched the members of jumping spiders (Salticidae) in present zoology as well. Such comprehensive descriptions are especially important about animals that are not simply recognizable via their common names in old texts solely. Without al-Jāḥiẓ’s elucidation of Layth’s hunting method, it might have remained unknown in all historical texts of zoology, forever, or at best could have known as a kind of spiders. In none of his antecedents’ remained essays or Aristotle’s explanations about spiders, al-Jāḥiẓ’s account of Layth could be found. It seems that seeing a descriptive name of a kind of spider, namely λυκος in Aristotle’s Historia Animalium, has sought al-Jāḥiẓ’s its appellation, watched Layth in nature around and explained carefully whatever he has seen. This could also be an example showing al-Jāḥiẓ’s own ideas in nature description, and the independence of his book of animals from Greek resources.

Abu Layth Samarqandi, of the great scholars of the fourth century A.H., has written Bahr al-Ulum, exegesis of the holy Quran. The most part of his book is dedicated to literature, words, and especially utilizing hadith reports and sayings in interpreting the verses. There is a trace of rational interpretation especially in the positions in which the interpreter express his religious, fiqhi (jurisprudential) and theological inspirations. The author of Bahr al-Ulum also deals with the Quranic sciences not in a separate chapter but along with the interpretations of the verses.

Abu Basir Layth b. Bakhtari was among the transmitters of Imam Baqir and Sadiq’ s hadiths. The majority of preliminary raja’ alites remained silent on the validity of Abu Basir Muradi. Among them, Ibn Ghazairi’ s perspective stands out. Although he reports on Imam Sadiq’ s taking offence on Abu Basir Muradi and admits to Abu Basir’ s sarcastic tone addressing religion, yet he has not denied his validity. In the present descriptive-analytical research, the aim was to analyze Ibn Ghazairi’ s comments on Abu Basir Muradi and the effects on Ibn Ghaziri’ s perception of Abu Basir and found him blamed in holy narrations. The reason why Imam Sadiq was offended by Abu BAsir is the occurrence of inappropriate behaviors and speech and defective understanding of imamology. Moreover, by sarcastic tone addressing religion, as quoted by Ibn Ghazairi, it means sarcasm in methods and behavior.

About forty of the 146 years of Saffarid dynasty is related to the period of formation and the peak of this dynasty. The rest of the life of this government was spent in the form of a local government. However, the successors of the Saffarids did not shy away from the political plans of the founders of this government. Following the death of Amr ibn al-Layth, although the Saffarids are believed to have no longer challenged the Abbasid caliphate in this part of their reign as a local government, scattered reports of sources as well as coins found show that the successors of the Saffarids (287-339 AH) did not always follow the procedure of full obedience of the caliphate in practice. The aim of this study is to identify the conflicts and overlaps in the reports of historiographical sources in comparison with the results of the study of coins minted by this family in relations with the Abbasid Caliphate. The Abbasid Caliphate did not sympathize with the Saffarids, and the Saffarids' attempt to gain lasting political legitimacy from the Caliphate was unsuccessful. The results of this study showed that the study of coins can fill the gap of historical reports. By examining the coins, it was possible to provide a relatively clearer picture of historical events based on the Saffarids' relations with the Abbasid Caliphate.

Fotovat-namehs are slangy inscriptions that chivalrous people from different classes of Bazaar wrote to use in favor of their professions. These writings value a certain occupation, showing the holy side of it, praising the good deeds and focusing on teaching the traditional culture, and spreading the acknowledgment. In the case of Fotovat-nameh and Adab-ol-mashgh, masters tried to be trustworthy to the profession so they interviewed the pupils before teaching them. They teach the basics and the relation between master and the pupil to the beginners. It is a source for aesthetics, foundation, and details of calligraphy. Writing these inscriptions started at Timurids and ended in Safavid historical era, have had a huge impact on calligraphers' knowledge about their profession. The most important part of it is Baba-shah-e-isfahani's adab-ol-mashgh that has all the components that "literature" should have had. Chivalry can be researched by exploring through the Fotovat-nameh and knowing the generosity and culture. These kinds of scripts are called “ literature” . Adab-ol-mashgh is just like Fotovat-nameh, it sets the connection between the guild on the inside and the costumers on the outside and surely the right manners and behaviors between them. In this article, we consider Adab-ol-mashgh, as the Fotovat-nameh of the calligraphy, since it contains the condition of the guild, the relation between master and the pupil, the master’ s position, the guild’ s dignity, principles, and the span of the profession, the same thing that Fotovat-namehs did with chivalrous cultures. This article will show the complete accordance between Adab-ol-mashgh and Fotovat-nameh and shows the innocent side of calligraphy while being in the business world and the bazaar as a tool. The explanation of chivalrous people from Ghaboos-ebn-voshmgir shows the common culture back in the days; when chivalry was based on their behavior in every class of the community and they followed an instance to always be pure. Ayaran were the people who spent their whole lives developing and promoting Fotovat-nameh, even if they had jobs it would’ ve been chivalry related. From what’ s recalled about the Ayari culture in fairytales and legends about their bravery (like Ya’ qub-Layth) it’ s like they fought just to spread the word and chivalry was the main goal of their lives. Here we’ re going to look at Henry Corbin’ s writings (1984) that shows the godly side of chivalry. He did an analytical introduction about chivalry, he explained the “ chivalry movements” to be “ mystical conducts” and named “ chivalry” the “ mystical knights” that do major movements and they have a strong relation with Islam’ s Shi’ a religion, he found it similar to Europe's renaissance courses. This article is an effort in the cognition of chivalry taking chivalrous actions and deeds into consideration by researching and analyzing the history of chivalry licenses and adapting it to the Adab-ol-mashgh educational context. Fotovat-nameh and its contents are authentic Adab-ol-mashghs with calligraphy studies so it is calligraphers Fotovat-nameh and it has the same impact on calligraphy that Fotovat-nameh had on the traditional cultures. The behavioral and cultural context has had the same impact on eastern Asia as well. Guiding students how to learn from the master, guidelines, and contexts covering different grounds of learning to use different materials and getting more experienced along the way, these contexts are called “ literature” or “ etiquettes” you can find lectures about using certain kinds of tools and the way that papers are supposed to be and other elements that would help a student to start their journey, etc. This research has been done by a qualitative method and by the method of library study and reviewing historical texts. Its purpose is to clarify the hidden angles of this class of market professions in order to clarify their social status as a class of gentlemen who are culturally considered intellectuals of the market professions. Gentlemen who adhered to all the norms and customs of the ritual of Fotovat, in addition, had the benefit of aesthetics and traditional art, the study of which is very important for the people of art.

Several factors, including conquests, trade, and the migration of various groups, influenced the Central Asian Turks’ conversion to Islam. Before the Muslims conquered Central Asia, which began in 652 AD/32 AH with the surrender of Māhūy Marzbān to Abd Allah ibn Amir, the governor of Basra, worshiping the ancestors’ spirits and the spirit of the sky and natural manifestations had been prevalent among the Turks. Of course, some tribes of Turks were also Buddhist, Nestorian, Jewish, and Zoroastrian. Therefore, they were familiar with monotheistic religions; however, gradually and due to factors after the initial resistance against the Muslim army, Islam became the religion of the majority of Turks. Groups such as Sufis, hermits, and Sayyids (Sadat) also played a role in this important matter. Considering the significance of the institutionalization of Islam among the Turks, the present study seeks to answer the question of whether it is possible to assign a stronger role to Sadat than the Sufis in the Islamization of the Turks. As findings demonstrate, the main reason for Sadat’s migration to Central Asia was its distance from the capital of the caliphate. Since Sadat considered the caliphs usurpers of the government, they were always angry with the caliphs. Thus, they were forced to migrate in order to maintain security, and while being close to the Turkic tribes, they joined with them and even participated in protecting frontiers. In addition, by engaging in various occupations such as trade and industry, they gradually became a part of the Turkic community. The Sadat elders’ cultural activities, mostly done through teaching Islamic thoughts and reciting news and biographies (Sunnat) of the Prophet Muhammad and the elders of Islam, were very effective in a more complete understanding of Islam. The Sufis, mainly migrating from Khorasan due to the pressure of critics of Sufism to find safe areas to promote their ideas, went to those regions. Their teachings were devoid of reproach and torment, so they were more attractive to some people. As a result, because Sadat was present in the region by holding classes and solving Sharia problems, mentioning hadiths and writing books, it can be said that they played a more effective role in the institutionalization of Islam among the Turks than the Sufis. Introduction The Central Asian Turks’ conversion to Islam is based on the news recorded in historical sources: events such as the arrival of the Muslim army and the conquest of the region with the outbreak of war, the movement of commercial caravans from the region, and the arrival of numerous groups and groups of Muslim immigrants. As research shows, the Turks had a religious society before Islam, so some tribes believed in Buddhism, and some were familiar with monotheism by accepting Christianity and Judaism. Of course, it has been reported that they believed in Zoroastrianism to some extent. After a period of Turkish resistance against Muslims, Islam was gradually accepted and institutionalized in the region, to the extent that in the fifth century AH, the Turks played a significant role in the promotion of Islam and the protection of borders, both with the role of army commanders and as soldiers. However, regarding the spread of Islam among them, apart from the conquests, the presence and activities of civilian groups such as Sufis and Sadat (Sayyids) were very effective, in their specific ways. Although much research has been done in the form of books and articles on the issue of the spread of Islam in Transoxiana, because no significant article has covered the issue in the first four centuries AH, addressing the issue to find an answer to the question of whether it can attribute a more prominent role to the Sufis in the Islamization of the Turks across Transoxiana during the mentioned period or not, seems necessary. Among the studies conducted on the issue of the Turks’ conversion to Islam is the article ‘Islam and the Spread of Islamic Sciences’, which emphasizes the role of the Samanids in the spread of Islam. The role of Sufis and Sadat is not discussed in it. Also, the article ‘Embracing Islam by the Oghuz of Northern Jaxartes in the Fourth Century’ (Rahmati, 2015) very briefly discussed the activities of Shiites in one line on page 13 and the missionaries’ activities. Another study ‘The Entry of the Turks to the Islamic Lands’ (Shabani & Fakhari, 2012) briefly mentioned the Sufis’s role. Another article is ‘The Role of Alavi Sādāt in the Political Developments of Transoxiana in the Sixth Century AH’ (Rahmati, 2014); as the title shows, it examined the issue in the 6th century, which is a period different from the period examined by the present study. Materials & Methods In this study, historical surveys were done via a descriptive-analytical method to match and compare the role of Sadat and Sufis in the Central Asian Turks’ conversion to Islam to investigate the research subject. Research Findings Based on the material presented concerning the topic of the article in several studies that were examined as the background of the research, such as the article on the spread of Islam and Islamic sciences, it was found that the role of the Samanids in spreading Islam in Transoxiana caused the spread of the Hanafi religion in the region. Also, with the explanation given in the article ‘Embracing Islam by the Oghuz of Northern Jaxartes in the Fourth Century’ (Rahmati, 2015), it was found that the process of becoming Muslim after a period of resistance against the Muslim army, which took the form of participating in the disguised uprisings of Rafi ibn al-Layth or threatening the borders, finally became Muslims. Of course, their conversion to Islam was due to the movement of ambassadors who had a mission on behalf of the Caliph to negotiate with the Khans of tribes. Finally, this happened with their conversion to Islam. With the research done in the article ‘The Entry of the Turks to the Islamic Lands’ (Shabani & Fakhari, 2012), it was determined that the first form of Islam’s entry into the regions was war, only with the conquests of Qutayba ibn Muslim al-Bahili, who conquered Khorasan and important parts of those areas during numerous campaigns. However, it must be admitted separately that this way of entering Islam did not lead to the institutionalization of Islam in the region. According to historical reports, which were analyzed in the article, the role of Alavi Sadat in the political developments in Transoxiana, although most of the people in these areas were followers of Hanafism and Shafi'ism, the presence of people such as Mohammad ibn Masoud Keshi and other famous Sadat caused the migration and settlement of a significant number of Shiites and Sadat visited the region. The presence of vicegerents of Imam Mahdi (AS) in the region, who were in charge of dealing with Shia affairs, confirms this fact that if the Shia and Sadat population were not present, then a lawyer would not have been appointed for them. Among them, the famous vicegerents Jafar bin Maruf Kashi should be mentioned. Discussion of Results & Conclusion There was a tendency towards Shia in these regions with two spectrums of Twelver Shi'ism and Isma'ilism during the Samanid era. Of course, the spread of Islam in Central Asia was done to some extent through the propaganda activities of mystics and Sufis. The propaganda of Sufis was successful in this matter because they paid less attention to punishment in religious teachings. Originally, the Sufis drew a kinder and more attractive face of Islam for non-Muslims by referring to divine love. However, they could not respond to various doubts and ambiguities arising in performing worship or religious issues. While Sadat mostly carried out the teaching of religious sciences in a systematic way by referring to the verses of the Quran and mentioning the hadiths. In this way, they painted a more serious image of Islam with the necessity of obedience in the audience’s mind. Meeting the needs and requirements of normal life in Islamic orders is much better and comprehensively designed and planned than the beliefs popular among Turks before Islam. Even transactions and trade had to be done under specific laws in Islam. Since the Sufi tariqas (schools) were formed in a specific structure much later than other Islamic schools and religions, the role of the Sufis in the institutionalization of Islam in Transoxiana was inadequate. The dynasties called the Sufis were formed from the 6th century AH onwards, and each sought to create a genealogy for themselves to convey their relationship to the Companions and the Prophet (PBUH) through the Sufis. From 350 to 450 AH, there were religious anarchies in Khorasan and beyond, to such an extent that sometimes the disputes between religious leaders led to murders and anomalies. Most of the Islamic schools of thought appeared during the era of the Abbasid Caliphate, which often differed on the branches and some of the principles of the religion. In Iran, like in other parts of the Islamic empire, religious differences were going on strongly. Moreover, attributing honors to the Saints of God and the classes of Sufi Sheikhs was very popular during this time. Because Sufi's asceticism and austerity were mixed with love and affection, they attracted simple and passionate hearts more than the people of the school, who were less bothered to adhere to the orders and fulfill the religious duties of a Muslim. The artisans and villagers turned to them, unlike the old times, when they were mostly jurists, Muhaddith (scholars of hadith), and people of the Qur'an, Sufis were more than artisans who established deep solidarity between guilds and Sufis. A huge group of people from Central Asia faced a harsh face from Muslims due to attacks and conquests. For this reason, they were not interested in Islam and were confused about its knowledge bases. By seeing the simple and austere way of life of mystics like Ibrahim Adham, Shaqiq Balkhi, and Rabiah ibn Kab, they saw another face of Islam in which there was no greed, oppression, and injustice of provincial governors. The fact that everyone can reach the love of God by entering the sect and that the standard of faith and disbelief is only God would attract more Turks and people of Central Asia to Islam. In the Turkic region, Sufism was the explanation of Islam for two reasons: one is the support of mystical schools by the governments, and the other is the spread of tribal life where tribal prejudices and strict adherence to the clan leader formed the basis of all intra-tribal relations. But in Iran, there was no dependence between Sufis and rulers, and tribal life was not common either. Therefore, the Malāmatiyya grew more than all the Sufi tariqas in Khorasan, especially in the fourth and fifth centuries when the students of Bayazid and Junayd of Baghdad entered this field. In Fergana, Turkestan, the great elders were called ‘Baab’. Baab Omar was one of the Sufi Sheikhs of this city who lived in the 5th century. Karramiyya consisted of a group of missionaries who appeared in Khorasan in the third century AH. However, because they faced opposition from other Islamic religions from the very beginning, they only worked in Khorasan until the beginning of the seventh century AH. However, this group played a role in the spread of Islam among the non-Muslims, including the Turks, by establishing schools and monasteries in a major part of the Islamic world, from Fustat in Egypt to Syr Darya in Transoxiana, especially during the 4th century AH with the support of the Ghaznavids. Of course, their concentration was more on Nishabur as the seat of Khorasan and the cultural center of this region. After Nishabur, Herat became their center. However, with all the tensions that the Karramiyya created among other religious groups, its role in promoting Islam through praising and establishing educational institutions such as schools and monasteries should be kept in mind. This group found supporters in all classes and disrupted the social stratification and provided new social challenges in the direction of seeking justice. In the analysis of the spread of Islam among the Turks of Central Asia, there were five related factors: 1) The migration of mystics and the followers of the companions, 2) The support of local rulers and especially the Samanids, 3) The existence of religious tolerance and tolerance, 4) The idea of tolerance and love in Sufi traditions, and 5) the differences of opinion in Islamic religions. According to this study, it can be said in response to the research question that since most of the organized activities were carried out by Sadat through reciting the hadiths of the Prophet, teaching theology and other Islamic sciences, playing socio-economic and military roles in Central Asia, then in the institutionalization and localization of Islam in the mentioned region the Sadat’s role were more prominent than others. This study can be a fresh motivation to deal with the issue of how to accept Islam in response to the claim that the non-Arab people living in the newly conquered areas by the Arabs were forced to convert to Islam.