The events that happened in the Arab world in 2011 were contradictory and paradoxical. Those would not be called revolution and not reform. Therefore، new concepts are needed to explain these events. This research tries to explain the uprising of the Egyptian people and the cause of their failure by using the term "Refolution"(revolution-reformation) and "explaining it". Therefore، in this article، first، we try to clarify the concept of “ Refolution” and its differences with the classical revolution. Then، with its application، to explain the uprising of the Egyptians، we explain the cause of its failure. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that what happened in Egypt was not a full-blown revolution، but a combination of revolution and reform. Thus، although the popular movement left Hosni Mubarak out of power، parts of the former regime's bureaucracy، including the army، remained in power، which caused the revolution to deviate from its popular path and defeat it.

After the recent Arab uprisings, a great number of analyses have been proposed on the impact of social media on revolutions, which lack a comprehensive view of all stages of revolutions, particularly what happens after the collapse of the ruling regimes with regard to the establishment of new political orders. This research considers the impact of social media in all stages of revolutions and offers a consolidated explanation, regardless of objective cases. In response to question of the impact of social media on revolutions, the authors explain that social media, by developing activists’ network, serve as a structural stimulus in the beginning of an uprising before the street protests. However, these networks lack the required capacities to lead the new political order and may result in a Refolution. This descriptive-analytical research, analyses the role of social media in developing activists network according to Castells’ theory, the structural stimulation of uprisings by social media according to the views of Tufekci regarding the causes of revolutions, the incapability of activists’ networks to lead the new order based on the Refolution theory of Bayat, develop and consolidate these views and theories.

By starting the domino effect of uprisings in Arab countries, Tunisia and Egypt as a source of these revolts were the first states that had undergone sociopolitical changes. So, these uprisings had been led to the results that it is called, respectively, “, Jasmine”,and “, Nile”,Revolutions. It seems that these revolutions had stemmed from similar causes with respect to the social, political, economic and even cultural commonality within these countries. But, the results and trends of changes in Tunisia and Egypt have not been alike. Although the youth and labors coalition in commencing and conducting of uprisings within both states had an impressive role, the reaction of military and Islamic movements to these uprisings was different and led to a varied result. While the Tunisian revolution is considered as the only successful protest in the Arab world, coming back to power the figures who belonged to last regimes in both countries was a harbinger of rising the new type of reformist revolution that is called Refolution. This work tries, in the light of a descriptive-analytical manner and by relying on a crisscross style of induction and deduction, to study the impressive variations in breaking out and directing uprisings in both Tunisia and Egypt.

The university and students’ movement has been one of crucial elements of the sociopolitical developments in iran history; they are also the most significant to identify active sociopolitical conflicts, gaps and controversies in Iran at present. Within the framework of a sociological approach and emphasizing on a ''structuralist'' perspective theorizing the social movements, the author intends to reveal the gap between government and university in the country during 1979-2006 that led to a developed students’ movement. The author’ principal aim is to specify contribution, influential effects, structural role an function of the government of Islamic Republic in emergence and deepening of such gap, its formal, political structure and examining transactional process, criticism, reform, confrontation and the gap between the government and the university, and discussing the government’ s role and contribution during the 4-year cultural revolution, Iraq-Iran war, reconstruction and reforms periods. Finally, the author conclude that a ''political radicalism'' of the students’ movement, in especially during the Reforms time, has been the product of the structural-functional paradox of the traditional government and the modern academics institutions.