The subject of extravagance and temperance is one of the most important subjects of contemporary Islamic movement. Therefore, this essay surveys the causes of tension of Islamic movement to temperance and extravagance. In fact the main question in the investigation is the survey of the causes of tension of Islamic movement from extravagance to temperance? It was used from the method of analysis of qualitative content for answering to this question and the better understanding of the subject. As the hypothesis this investigation tries to demonstrate the factors such as the influence of the leaders in guidance of Islamic movements to extravagance and temperance, the historical backgrounds of religious conflicts, secularism and strain and suppression as the causes of facilitating in tension to extravagance that have fundamental role and the factors such as economic reformations, political partnership, public activity of movement were caused to control extravagance and tension to the temperance. The case study in this essay is Ekhvan Almoslemin of Egypt.

The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method to study Ikhvan al moslemin movement and Fethullah Gü len movement, and to name their similarities and differences. The hypothesis is that these movements resemble in their methods and differ in the way of looking at religion and politics. The results of the study show that the two movements are different in subjects like religion, government and secularism and are similar in topics like democracy and mysticism. The results also certify that although the two movements have a world-inclusive aim, the Gü len movement included the whole world and Ikhvan al moslemin movement included Islamic world only. It should be mentioned that although both of these movements have done economic, advertising and social activities, Ikhvan's social activities were more than Gü len's.

Deconstruction is a strategy for demonstrating the contribution of philosophy to achieving the meaning of democracy in the postmodern world. It seeks to establish philosophical principles consistent with the principle of tolerating others and democracy in the post-democracy world. Meanwhile, Derrida's ideas in the field of socio-political democracy, such as future democracy and its oncoming challenges, are also rooted in his philosophy. Hence, democracy and deconstruction are the two sides of a coin, and one cannot be understood without the other. This connection is unbreakable and necessary and pivotal to Derrida's thinking about philosophy and politics. The breakthrough has come to suggest new horizons with the critique of modern systems including Western democracies that marginalized forces on the frontiers of democracy can actively participate in determining their own destinies. Contrary to positive methods, the underlying breach does not have a relative relation with the ultimate clarity of the Western society, and it is considered to be the fruits of the linear maturity of history. On the contrary, with the critique of metaphysical systems, it is a strategic breakthrough, so that the inertia of the universe becomes the instrument of successive negotiation. As far as the subject of this article is concerned, it attempts to define the Western metaphysical breakdown, then it shows how Derrida has benefited from this strategy in order to open up the political blockade of Western democratization with ongoing openings. The study of the link between deconstructive philosophy and democracy and how they interact with each other will be the cornerstone of this article.

The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood which follows the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood In 1945, by Dr. Mostafa Sabaei, with the aim of combating colonialism and also confronting the occupation of Syria by France, was created in Aleppo, Significant effects on Syrian developments, particularly the political developments in this country. This party, after being recognized and on the implementation of the Ba'athist Socialist Party in Syria and the support of Hafez Assad and then Bashar al-Assad from this party (Ba'ath), it has always been in tension and opposition to the Damascus government and they are subject to repeated riots and armed attacks. Goal of this research is exploring the nature of the Muslim Brotherhood party and its role in the Syrian crisis and the role of the party in the expansion of the civil war in this country which interprets by reading the library and collect information from authoritative sources and books. The main question in the present article is that if this party had necessary performance and influence in order to achieve the it’s defined goals? It seems Syrian Muslim Brotherhood Party despite stimulation and organizing active age groups (Sunni’s active groups) in the course of the Salafist anti-central government of this country, has not performance and necessary influence and not reached to achieving its stated goals. In this research with the statement of theoretical basis,

The 2011 uprising in Egypt paved the way for the formation or growth of discourses in that country, each trying to giving prominence to itself and marginalizing their opponents, thus hegemonizing its own discourse system so that they could provide meaning for the opponents' floating  discourse signifiers within their own discourse framework and create a new identity. Among these discourses that could benefit from its hegemony, though temporarily, and imprint its name on the first official election in modern Egypt, was the "Islamic Democrat Discourse". The rise and fall of this discourse brings a question about the discourse logic and identifying signifiers, principles and indicators of Islamic Democrat Discourse in Egypt, and about those political parties and groups which represent it. One could deduce that the existing discourse conflicts and inability of each to establish itself and the absence of any groundwork for their expansion, including that of the authoritative Islamic, secular democrat, and authoritative secular discourses, can lead to a certain uproar in the society for a long time. This article's method is Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis. The results show that those groups, like Ikhvan-al moslemin, which were defined under the Islamic Democrat discourse and offered a new interpretation of political Islam, could rise to power in post-Mubarak era for some time, but their failure in providing identity for the floating signifiers in their discourse and the lack of this latter's comprehensiveness, resulted in their collapse.

Two Islamic Revolutions of Iran (1979) and Egypt (2011) have been among the important and influential revolutions in the West Asia and the world being seriously taken into account by Revolution theorists. Here, the main question is that what the role and position of ideology has been in the course of revolution especially in the developments after collapse of the former regimes in these two countries. Enjoying the viewpoints of the fourth generation of revolution theorists particularly John Foran and Jack Gladstone, the paper is an attempt to investigate and compare these two revolutions in both domestic and foreign aspects. The findings of the research show that because of enjoying the coherent ideology of revolutionary Islam inspired from the political culture of Shia and under the auspices of Imam Khomeini’ s charismatic leadership, the Islamic Republic of Iran has played a fundamental role in creation of revolutionary situation, fall of Pahlavi Regime, and establishment and stabilization of the fledgling Islamic Republic Regime of Iran while the Egyptian revolutionists did not enjoy such kind of coherent intellectual-ideological support.

Ikhwan-al-moslemin movement was formed in the 1960s at a time when Afghanistan was in a political, social, religious and economic crisis. After the People's Democratic Party came to power in 1978 and a change in the political situation, the movement quickly entered a new phase, declaring the "jihad" discourse as the main strategy for achieving its goals and in this way, it played an important role in the Islamic Awakening and the changes of the 1970s and 1980s. With the overthrow of the People's Regime and the victory of the Mujahideen (1992), one of the branches of the Ikhwan (Jamiat-e-Islami) formed the Islamic State and the other branch of the Ikhwan (Hezb-e-Islami) revolted against this government and finally the government was so weakened that it was overthrown in 1996 by the rise of the Taliban. The main idea of this article is to study the reasons for the failure of Ikhwan-al-moslemin in establishing a strong and stable government in this country through a descriptive analytical method with an interpretive approach and using historical documents. The research findings show that the causes of the failure of this movement should be sought in internal and external factors; Internal divisions, ethnicity, worldliness and everyday life, extremism, distancing oneself from iKhwan defined ideals, the weakness of political ideology on the one hand, and the repression of ruling regimes, dependence on regional powers, and Transregional, fusion with takfiri and secular movements on the other hand were the most important internal and external factors.

In a general view, it seems that Islamism movement in Jordan does not have unique identity, and includes Ekhvan Al moslemin, Salafi Jihadism and Takfiri and small moderate movements such as Alvasat party. The main purpose of this paper is deeper review of Islamism movement in Jordan, effort for identification of Islamist political parties in Jordan, their arrangement in political scene, their internal mental challenges, and their positioning to each other.

In the second half of the twentieth century, with the increasing rivalary between Egyption and Saudi Arabia, a large amount of the members of Egyptian Ikhwan-Al-moslemin immigrated to Saudi Arabia and mixed the Ikhwani thoughts with Wahhabism and spread it. Mohammad Qutb was the most important thinker of that movement. The main Qutbs’ thoughts were political thoughts and idea about the concept of Jaheliyah (ignorance).In Qutb’s view, Jaheliyah is a political concept and means ruling in accordance with laws other than Sharia (God’s path). He said the only way to end this Jaheliah is to establish the Islamic government. We show in this paper that the government hasthe highest position in Qutb's view as it can be accounted as one of the Islams’ principals besides monotheism. The Shia and Sunni sources often did not accept this view, despite Qutb says the goal of this government is to free people from Jaheliyah. In the Qutb's view the most important tool of Islamic government is Sharia.

Mohammad Qutb was a member of Egyptian Ikhwan-al-moslemin who tried to join the Ikhwani and Wahhabi thoughts after immigrating to Saudi Arabia. One of his thoughts was his special view about history of Islam. He saw history of Islam as a tool to realize the real Islam. He criticized the old historical methods of Muslim historians and specially rejected orientalists’ works as easterns’ plots against Islam but he couldn’t prove this charge against them. In spite of Qutb’s claims in the necessity of new look to history of Islam and his emphasis in his unique view about it, actually he does not have any special view in this field and his writings are the repetition of the old historical views of Sunni Muslims. By evaluating his historical views in this research, it was known that his conclusions based on incorrect or insufficient data and his reasoning were not strong enough.