Middle East and Arab world observers and analysts have been confused by rapid and chainlike spread of Arab world revolutions. This article argues that neo-patrimonialism, as Hisham Sharabi says, is the forming factor behind these events. Meanwhile, despite similarities among Arab governments, we see some differences in factors like presence of civil society institutions, global links and communications of regimes, personality of Arab autocrat leaders, intervention or non-intervention of great powers and social formation (tribal or non-tribal) of countries. These differences are among determining factors of state interaction with people and protestors. Authors claim that the less patrimonial and the more democratic state will decrease violent and rough interactions between state and people.

Demonstrations in Libya in February 2011 were cruelly cracked down by the military forces of Gadhafi regime and the cities which were under the control of protestors were bombed by heavy arms and airplanes. The opposition groups, the League of Arab Nations and some countries demanded the Security Council to protect Libyan civilians. The SC in its resolution 1970 adopted some sanctions against the Libyan regime. In the second step, by adopting resolution 1973, the SC authorized international community to protect civilians in Libya even through military operations and to establish a no-fly zone. This paper explores the legal aspects of the SC resolution 1973 including the legitimacy of the use of force despite the principle of "no intervention in internal affairs of the UN member states", the commanding of the military operations under this resolution, and the extent of the authorized military operations.

This article examines the human rights abuses perpetrated by the United Nations missions in places like Kosovo, Congo and Haiti where the United Nations power has been practically comparable to the State power. It will also investigate similar cases of abuses committed by highest-ranking UN officials in New York headquarter and Geneva offices. The violations examined in this article include not just hundreds of documented cases of sexual assaults and rapes, and all kind sexual abuses often of children but also tear gassing students, assaulting international journalists, shooting at women and children and even killing peaceful protestors. The article will show that the terrifying human rights record of United Nations is in fact a result of the structure, nature and belief system of the ruling members and officials of the organization. The article also examines the close affiliation of this belief system with terror networks both before and after the end of the cold war.

Following occupation of Iraq by foreign forces in 2003, Abu Ghuraib prison near the Baghdad, became a local for keeping the opponents and protestors of occupation. During keeping prisoners in this jail, many mistreatments were against them by the American military that was charge of the Bureau of Prison. Some of these measures were Torture and war crime.To prosecute and punish defendants of these crimes in criminal justice, there are several judicial mechanisms in national and international levels that of which it can be noted the role of the International Criminal Court. In this paper, studying competency we stressed obstacles and limitations confronted each of these bodies, that national courts in raising the flag of combat with impunity has noble and considerable status.Finally, we reached this conclusion that Iraqi court as a competent court of occurrence the crime and the courts of third countries from the perspective of has suitable situation for prosecute and punishment defendants these wretched incidents.

One of most important socio-political events in Iranian History is constitutional Revolution in spite of passage of more than one century and writing many books and articles about that, there are still unknown facts about the issue. One of these unknown issues is the role of one of Kerman Olamas named "Mirza Mohammad Reza Mojtahed" in the revolution. In the small migration, protestors wanted the government to bring him back from the deportation. His name was mentioned as one of the leaders of the revolution in some books written about the revolution. Author describes his role in Kerman socio-political development in the era of the revolution. The findings show that he was one of the effective actors in Kerman but contrary to the common thought he was not Liberal and Constitutionalist. According to a Realistic approach, his role is related to the event of his punishing and hitting by then Kerman governor. This event gave the opportunity to the protesters to protest against Eynoddowla and his dictatorship.

Following the confrontation of modern thinkers with modernity, the votes of the hijab protestors were raised as preparation of intellectualism and modernity requirements. The present article by using a documentary-analytical method investigates the development of the hijab critics’ theories during the 1227 to 1320 period by describing their beliefs and performances to explain the influential factors on the revolutionary criticism development to the traditional clothing of Iranian women. Findings indicate that the central core of reformist votes was formed after the Naserid and the constitutional period in protest against the traditional forms of hijab. After that, the change of attitude about the limits and kind of coverage was reflected and developed in the education process. Then, by changing the monarchy from Qajar to Pahlavi aiming to protest against hijab, two minimal and maximal attitudes were proposed. The minimal attitude emphasized modern wearing and optional hijab, and the maximal attitude emphasized removing the traditional hijab. The maximal approach in the first Pahlavi period tended to remove the public hijab, and as a result of the confrontation between these two attitudes, modern religious and reformist thinkers with the characteristic of the western women central model appeared.

The purpose of this study was exploring the process of Anti-elitism in a public organization based on interpretive mapping design of grounded theory. In this regard, 32 employees of mentioned organization selected as interviewees using theory sampling. In order to data analysis and theory mapping Maxqda and Decision Explorer were used. Based on research findings the preface of anti-elitisn in organization of interest were three factors: good performance of elites, the assumption of homogeneity in organizational culture, and weakness of organization top managers’ monitoring system. Anti-elitists were two categories of jealousy against elites. First, organization toxic leader who was fallowed shadow-stagnant management style and antagonistic approach against elites in the shadow of weakness in monitoring management performance from legal authorities. Second, toxic employees as colluders and shield of leader in line of their mutual interests. Backing of their good performance and popularity, elites resisted to changes as reformist protestors against dysfunctional climate of organization. So, the anti-elitists’ antagonistic approach invigorated and they tended to silent treatments against elites. Finally, due to the immoral climate of organization and elites’ lack of support, anti-elitists turned to privative actions against elites...

Today, the quality of life and social challenges such as environmental pollutants are one of the most important fields of socio-political conflicts that in turn, have been led to nexus between “ the social” and “ the political” . The current study aims to figure out the influential factors on the extension, overarching and universalization of environmental movements in last decades in developed and developing countries applying an analytical methodology and empirical data and evidences. The important factors (hypothesis) are silent revolution or declination of new generation and citizens to post material values, irresponsibility of governments, development and industrialization with little attention to environmental ethics and using opportunities in global civil society and social networks, such as mobilizational, awakenings and making identification in organizing of public opinion and protests. On the basis of quantitative – empirical studies and world value surveys, the findings reveal that, nowadays, green groups and movements are the important challengers for governments and mobilizers of protestors in two practical-campaign and attitudinal dimensions for the advancement of goals, making governments and companies responsive and universalization of environmental ethics and discourse in the world. Multi millions participation protests at September 2015 is the most extraordinary manifestation of environmentalism.

Occupy Wall Street was a flag which went to the hands of the American protestors. This flag reflected the simulation of Occupy Wall Street to the occupation of Palestine and the main reference of the protest was aimed at Zionism. The deep roots of this occupation dates back to the occupation of the American Natives’ territories and in fact the same American monopoly in the path of American history in various fields including the US economic and financial system has been reflected. The main question of this paper is why Occupy Wall Street movement emerged as a serious social movement in America. In response to this question, it is discussed that the one percent American society that is a symbol of the minority exclusivism over the majority, is caught in exceptionism in three levels of epistemic, program and institutional. American people’s protest was not merely against the economic situation but against the “exceptionist social system”. This American exceptionism has created a crisis for the ruling majority. This means the realization of minority instead of democracy and in a more accurate interpretation “democracy crisis”. In this paper, various aspects of epistemic, program and institutional exceptionism joined by the Occupy Wall Street movement will be explained.