POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE
Year:2009 | Volume:5 | Issue:1 (9)|Papers Count:7

This essay studies the various approaches of different Iranian political thinkers in regard to Israel since the establishment of the Zionist regime. The main purpose is to explore whether there are any similarities among all different perspectives towards Israel in Iran. The basic pattern in the broader Iranian foreign policy discourse can be described as an uneasy coexistence between a historical sense of superiority over regional neighbors and a series of humiliations coming from the great powers in Iran’s dealings with the outside world. Israel has become a central feature in Iranian political discourse because all Iranian political thinkers share three fundamental beliefs as follows: 1. Israel is created by the West and it represents Western powers in the region; 2. Israel is fundamentally hostile to Arabs; and 3. The Palestine/ Israel question represents a dramatic case of justice- seeking, for Jews and Muslims alike. Thus, friendship or hostility with Israel can be used as a tool of policy in Iran’s foreign policy discourse to cultivate or antagonize Western powers, while consolidating Iranian hegemony in the Middle East and maintaining a just and fair solution to the Palestine/ Israel question. Despite different interpretations of these concepts by each political school, they constitute a common conceptual ground for all Iranian perspectives towards Israel.

By doing a case study, the researcher has tried to investigate the related theories and the different nature of anticipating natural and human phenomena in the Islamic revolution of Iran and its consequences. He distinguishes between the two acts of anticipation and prophecy, depicting their divergent lines in the field of accurate sciences and humanities. He believes that a thorough understanding of the consequences of the Islamic Revolution depends on recognition of the issue of anticipation and its niceties in humanities. He further notices that western circles, whether theoreticians or politicians, have failed in anticipating the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution. However, they have tried to anticipate the consequences. As a result, the anticipation of the broad consequences of the Islamic Revolution at regional and international levels of analysis led those involved to manipulating the "prerequisites" of those anticipations in order to hinder or weaken their impact or at least postpone their occurrence.Probing into the issue of anticipating the consequences of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the state of "recognition after occurrence" exposes the complexity of the political game and proves the necessity of using a scientific approach to politics in decision - making. The present article can compensate for some theoretical deficiencies of the academic course dealing with the consequences of the Islamic Revolution of Iran.

Following the victory of the Islamic revolution, Iran has instituted a particular discourse worldwide, especially in the Middle East. This discourse is not only different from the pre- revolution state, but is quite distinctive by nature. The difference lies in three elements of Islamicism, independence trend, and unionism. Islamicism is the essential foundation of Iranian post- revolutionary discourse. Although Islamicism guarantees independence and rejection of the domination of world arrogant powers as well as the unity among all religious and social classes of the region, the two latter discourses are going to be studied separately owing to their significance and aiming at revealing their various dimensions in the region. Iranian Islamicism has played a big role in the emergence of radical and moderate Islamic movements in the region. Although the Shiite tendency has proved to have different manifestations in the Islamicist logic of Iran, it has faced different reactions in the region and given rise to a sort of geopolitical and population imbalance. The unconditional and permanent defence of Palestine cause, emphasizing the annihilation of the occupying Zionist regime, and the developments relevant to the present situation of Shiites in Bahrain and Yemen are striking examples of the religious perspective of the region towards Islamicism in Iran. The most significant feature of the independent policy of Iran in the political discourse of the region is rejecting the presence of western dominant powers, interaction of regional actors, and creation of a superior discourse for the region under Iranian supervision. The unionist discourse of Iran rests on religious solidarity, political convergence, social unity, and cultural assimilation. The triple axes of Iranian discourse in the region are variable depending on the two important elements of temporal developments and sociopolitical changes. Likewise, the external and internal perspectives towards the above - mentioned axes have been the functions of these two elements. In spite of the active presence of these two elements in the creation of the above discourse variations, the essence of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the three mentioned axes is still considered the Iranian major discourse in the Middle East.

Advances in science and industry and the expansion of civilization besides the prosperity and comfort they have brought with themselves for mankind have also had the undesirable consequence of damaging the environment. Numerous dangers can ensue the destruction of the environment. Taking heed of this danger has led to the emergence of some self- motivated movements by knowledgeable and good intentioned people. A multitude of popular organizations have been created throughout the world endeavoring to enlighten people. Governments too have more or less become heedful of the critical future of the globe and have been working side by side with these popular movements in order to find some serious modalities. These movements have gained momentum since the 1960’s and led to the holding of numerous conferences and the conclusion of several international conventions concerning environment. Hence, saving the environment has not only been the concern of political efforts but has also penetrated the realm of legislation. Furthermore, measures towards preventing the destruction of environment have been supported by legal sanctions. Stockholm conference of 1972 is believed to be the beginning of the conferences regarding environment. Ten years later, namely in 1982, Riode Janiro conference emphasized the adoptions of Stockholm conference while anticipating some new ways for the 21st century. Holding such conferences and conclusion of such agreements has continued ever since. This artice takes a passing look on the necessity of paying attention to the conservation of environment from moral, political and legal standpoints. It examines the work which has been done in this regard and concludes that there are proper grounds in our Iranian Islamic culture for increasing everyone’s awareness, in particular, the government as to the conservation of environment. Paying attention to the legal realm too, we find that despite the legal shortages and pitfalls, there are still considerable preventive rules in the current laws for preventing the destruction of environment.

Effective features such as the non- immigrating nature of Iranian racial and ethnic groups, constancy of the number of these as a result of non- expansionism, sharing ancient characteristics, absence of split in national unity and the formation of the nation prior to the rise of nationalism, have all contributed to the persistence of social diversities. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s policies on managing these social diversities and boosting national unity are being formulated on the basis of "religious unitarian pluralism". In other words, these policies are being institutionalized in a process of internal and external challenges while benefiting from a rationalistic approach. The religious and ethnic split can only be diminished by taking advantage of the legal potential of the constitutional and civil laws, as well as Quranic instructions, and taking into consideration the requirements of the Iranian society.

After the American invasion of Iraq in 2003, it became certain that Iraq’s Shiite majority would dominate the future government if a free election was going to be held. In 2004, Jordan’s King Abdullah, anxiously warned the prospect of a “Shia crescent” spanning Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. The idea was then picked up by others in the Arab world, especially Egypt’s President Mubarak and some elements within the Saudi government, to reaffirm the Iranian ambitions and portray its threats with regards to the Middle East. Examining the idea of the Shia crescent, the present article seeks to answer the following question: what are the main opportunities and threats of the idea of the Shia crescent for Iran, Arabs and the United States? The main argument is that the Shia rising will provide 1. Iran with a leverage to balance the United States in the Middle East while it may reinforce intra- Islamic cleavages in the Muslim world; 2. The Arab countries with a means to block Iran's hegemony in the region while encouraging the United States to discard its policy of democracy- promotion. However, it may cause more instability in the Arab world and strengthen the Zionist regime; and 3. The United states with increasing its pressure on Iran in order to change the Islamic regime there while causing more instability in the Middle East and strengthening the Islamic resistance to American hegemony.

One of the basic features of Islamic world at the beginning of 1970 onwards is the turning of certain groups to Islamic roots and formation of Islamic movements, called Islamic fundamentalism by western scholars. Political behavior of Islamic groups in the Middle East has been varying from violent to peaceful manner.Pakistan is a country holding very important position in Political Islam debate. Significance of this position is due to the role of Islam and Islamist groups in the political developments in Pakistan on the one hand and to the provision of suitable context for the growth of Taliban form of fundamentalism thought in this country and exporting it to its neighbors on the other hand. It seems that the social environment of Pakistan, role of Islam in the political developments of this country, pro Deobandi activists, role of religious schools and that of foreign powers like Saudi Arabia are very important in the formation of radical political Islam in Pakistan. This survey lies on two important points: the growth of Islamicism in Pakistan and the cause of certain Islamist groups approach to violent behavior.