Research in Theoretical Politics
Year:2018 | Volume:NEW | Issue:23 |Papers Count:13

In this article we seek to attribute that to evaluate the effectiveness of government and political system, With reference to structural-functional systems theory to the theoretical framework. The main question in this article, is seeking for reliable indicators for the effectiveness of government from the perspective of political science. To answer this question, efficient capacities in the form of six capacities there for any government, will be discussed. Six potential monopoly of the legitimate use of force, extraction, shaping national identity, regulatory identity, maintaining internal and redistributive cohesion, in this article has been studied as indexes of government effectiveness. In this paper, our perception of efficiency can be considered as duties or common authorities in addition to great symmetry with economic understanding and management of this concept, linked with the key concept of "power" in political science. In this concept of efficiency, has been considered to the actual position of governments in countries and communities today, with an emphasis on the duties, powers and abilities as well as their expectations. This notion of efficiency, the closest and most functional conception of the concept of efficiency in political science which can be a reliable basis and theoretical framework for research on the effectiveness of the government.

Given the conflicting results of different research findings on the relationship between religiosity and political culture in the past few decades, this article attempts to show what variable affects on type of relationship between religiosity and political culture. The type of research method is documentary and based on the theoretical and empirical foundations review of the religiosity and political culture. The research findings indicate type of reading and understanding of religion and political culture is influential in determining the type of relationship between religiosity and political culture. More precisely, As the type of religiosity of people according to the type of reading (understanding) of religion can be strict, moderate and too tolerant, The political culture of people can also be categorized according to the same criteria as strict, moderate, and too tolerant and the type of reading from religion (and hence religiosity) and the political culture that leads to different types of religiosity and political culture affects the type of correlation of them, so that consistent and corresponding readings of religion and political culture conducive to a positive relationship between them, mutually, inconsistent readings conducive to negative relationship. This article has attempted to offer the relationship between religiosity and political culture variables in the form of a theoretical -explanative model.

The challenge of methods of proper understanding of thought, in general, and that of political thought, in particular, is a challenge that the thinkers of this field have been facing for the past several centuries. One of these methods is hermeneutics. But hermeneutics, as a method, has at times been criticized for not enjoying the necessary objectivism. The subjective approach and individualistic method latent in it has been challenged by some rival methods. In this article, it has been attempted to attain a synthetic method in a revised form through employing comparative philosophical method and using analytical tools and concepts of Skinner and Gadamer’s hermeneutics in reading the text. The teachings of Skinner and Gadamer have been used in a comparative form so that by transition from them to a synthetic method is attained for understanding thought. In this method, while using the technique of speech act used by Skinner’s hermeneutics, the role of audience in finding the final meaning through Gadamer’s method is considered. This synthetic method of reading the text is not free from influence of revised and constructionist methods.

Finding the relation between liberalism and pluralism is one of such issues that the advocates and opponents of the doctrine of liberalism have been discussing in many respects. Some consider liberalism as the only doctrine through which pluralism can be realized, and some do not see it consistent with pluralism because of its universal claim. This led Isaiah Berlin as the prominent thinkers of the twentieth century to examine the possibility of a pragmatic pluralism-based agonistic liberalism, and to propose solutions to liberalism from a situation in which it was accused of not being reconciled with pluralism. In this article, the purpose is to use the descriptive-analytical method and to collect data based on library resources, also by asking the question of what Isaiah Berlin's approach to reconciling liberalism with pluralism? The hypothesis is that Isaiah Berlin, with the design of value-oriented pluralism in the framework of liberalism, sought to reconcile liberalism with pluralism. Berlin's idea of criticism will also be criticized.In sum, comparing the arguments of Berlin on the one hand and the opponents of the reconciliation of liberalism and pluralism on the other, the result is that liberalism is neither in complete harmony, nor in complete dissonance with pluralism, but liberalism can, to a certain extent, accept the adoption of pluralism, which will not endanger its credible values for survival.

In his book Wisdom and Government, Mehdi Haeri Yazdi explains his political theory about relation of government and people. The theoretical theme of Haeri’s view of delegacy of collective proprietorships can be considered as theoretic effort to establish collective proprietorships, the republic sovereinty of government, government’s people-warranted authority, delegacy on behalf of people, foundation of government’s legitimacy based on people’s opinion, and government’s being coresponsible for its people as well as paying attention to the mutual role and status of religion and politics. This theory is titled “Delegacy of collective proprietorships”. Based on his studies in the natural and historical life of humanbeings, Mehdi Haeri Yazdi has tried to portray a different view of the mutual relationship between people and government. The goal of current study is to analyze Theory of collective proprietorships based on analytical framework of political theories. Therefore, the question it poses could be phrased as “Is the theory of collective proprietorships credible with regard to the fourfold criteria of possibility of production, production strategies, means of production, and the type of production?” Using library research techniques and descriptive-analytical approach, this study has analyzed Mehdi Haeri Yazdi’s views. To this end, it is presumed that a political theory is credible when side by side with answering the questions in this study, lends itself properly to evaluation of the fourfold criterion. The findings of this study demonstarte that despite Haeri Yazdi’s sincere efforts, his theory suffers from shortcomings that are pointed out in this study. Following a review of his theory, we have tried to analyze his theory with regard to political theories. Overall, viewing Haeri’s political theories, taking into consideration his answers to the four major questions that form a political theory, its received criticism-still with regard to the fourfold criteria-his theory is analyzed.

The present article aims to build a theory about the relationship between information and communication technologies with Kurdish political behaviors. To this end, in order to answer the question "What is the relationship between the new information and communication technologies and the change of Kurdish political behaviors?" We will give a theoretical explanation of the relationship between globalization and ethnic identities and the theoretical explanation of the relationship of information and communication technologies with ethnic identities. By combining the aforementioned theories, the appropriate theoretical device formulated with the question of the paper will be extrapolated and the research hypothesis will be derived from this theory. Using library resources, theoretical and practical evidences of epistemological transformations and behavior change have been compiled for democratization. By analyzing the seventeen satellite and Internet properties, the way to change behaviors toward peacefulness is shown analytically and descriptively. Referring to the Kurdish Diaspora role and influence and the analysis of changing their strategy toward democratization, Evidence of the impact of satellite and Internet on changing behavior toward democratization and theoretical, case, and secondary evidence findings will be presented within the framework of the theory and research hypothesis.

The intellectual orientation of various generations of Iranian intellectalism has been shaped from the context of involvement and thinking in the issue of decadence and Underdevelopment, the way of exit from it, and finally the relation of traditional legacy and the western modernism in the process of development. This article attempts to analyze the position and coordinates of such a discussion for second generation of intellectualism, i.e. a group of Iranian intelluctuals that had intellectual-political activity orienting toward the establishment of Pahlavi State. The first part of article analyzes the transition process of constitutional State to the theory of new authoritarian and absolute State and the combination of people, groups and publications that realized such evolution.The second part of article provides an image of controversies and views being common between this generation and about the issue of modernity and the way of confronting it. In this part of article, the views are classified under two approaches of “modernity with minimum Iranian manipulation” and “selection-based modernity and adaptation with native conditions” and views of figures and supporting groups have been explained. The last part of article answers to the origins of the lack of deepening the issues related to the issue of decadence and modernity in this generation and more focus on the more objective dimensions of renovation and the way of its realization.

The idea of pragmatic truth in Richard Rorty's thought is an alternative method to search the truth, not in a way that the western philosophical tradition has dealt with heretofore. In examining the notion of truth, Rorty's pragmatic approach contrast with the two narratives raised in western philosophical thought: on the one hand, with Platonic-Cartesian tradition, in which reality is interpreted as a metaphysical matter; and on the other hand, with post-modernist narrative who believes in the deconstruction of truth and claims of relativity of truth. To find an answer to the question: What are the proportions and consequences of established relation between truth and politics in Rorty’s political thought?, the authors formulate the hypothesis that "the connection established between truth and politics in Rorty's thought, leads to innovate a politics relying on social hope, based on the thesis of priority of democracy over philosophy". Accordingly, efforts have been made, by analyzing the pattern of pragmatic truth which posed by Rorty, to show that this pattern is a continuation of the same concept of truth in William James and John Dewey's pragmatic tradition in the form of linguistic turn. Also it is characterized by an emphasis on solidarity, versus of what Rorty calls “will of objectivity”. While this version is not without any claim of objectivity, and avoid falling into the trap of relativism, considers a concept that in a practical manner, is useful to meet pragmatically the objectives and solve the political problems.

Although Amartya Sens capability approach initially emerged in academic area as a critique to normative and ethical economic foundations, especially welfare economics in 1980s, it has been employed extensively in the context of human development. One of the main concerns of this approach was the marginalization of human being from the axis of development and well-being and its main critique to others was to consider human as a passive being. Some critics have suggested that, although this approach attempted to introduce a new concept of human beings in economic area, it could not go beyond the current economical human of economics and it just provided more humane conception of development than development for human beings. The majority of criticisms of anthropological basis of Sens approach include three critiques of misinterpretation of human notion, being pre-socio political and methodological individualism. In this paper it's attempted to response to these three critiques based on the definition of agency which Sen has expanded in his approach and then design a theoretical-philosophical agency for misinterpretation anthropological foundation of capability approach by transition from agency (of actors) to citizenship.

Sovereignty issue has been the topic of long debates where the follow-up of interpretations of this concept in scripture has led to a variety of votes. Thomas Hobbes, the sovereignty theorist, has had a pivotal role in clarifying the relationship between Sovereignty and religion in the early era of modernism by interpreting Scripture based on his scientific method. This article highlights the transformation in the concept of natural rights as a bridge between sovereignty and religion in Hobbes's theory. In addition, this study corresponds to this concept with Hobbes's interpretation of Scripture and, thereby, it is claimed that Hobbes has embedded the main component of his theory, which is social contract, in reading the Scripture.Then, Hobbes interprets it in favor of a powerful ruling authority who is seeking for individuals' peace and security and also the maintaining the individuals' natural rights at large.