Journal of Historical Researches
Year:2014 | Volume:50 (NEW VOL 6) | Issue:2 (22) |Papers Count:7

The present research investigates the role of charitable associations and Iranian schools located in central Asia (Eshgh Abad and Tashkand) in the promotion of Persian language and literature in late Qajar era. Charitable associations were hold in the cities by Iranian businessmen to help poor and low-income people to be able to send their children to school. Besides, the article aims at studying the extent to which Iranian schools and charitable associations were influential in developing Persian language and literature in central Asia. As a large number of poor people with no expertise immigrated abroad, especially to central Asia, businessmen and officials took measures to organize and look after immigrants and established charitable associations. Therefore, the hypothesis examined is that the associations established schools for Iranian children and paid for them. Such actions play an important role in not only the development of Persian language and literature but also the education of Iranian immigrants.

During the reign of Muzaffar al-Din Shah, Shulestan lands were decided to be conceded to Moein al-Tojjar Booshehri as a result of various factors such as shortage of appropriate financial resources, widespread administrative and financial corruption, and the influence of powerful individuals and groups. Moein al-Tojjar, because of the reasons mentioned in this article, started holding lands along with doing business in order to consolidate his power and wealth. To establish his ownership of Shulestan lands, or Mamsani, he focused on state and local factors and tried to take advantage of them for his own benefit.His main goal was to create a gap between the Khans and headmen of the territory and to weaken sheriff or tribal management position. To achieve his goals, he caused crisis in the area relying on the support from Qajar government. Besides, Gajar government sent his military force to Shulestan several times to support Moein al-Tojjar, but they defeated. Undoubtedly, the resistance of locals to prevent the allocation of Mansani lands to Moein al-Tojjar made him find a new way to take control of the lands. To seek military support from Qashqaees, he was forced to rent a part of the land Solat al-Doule, Qashqaee Khan. Finally, at the end of Qajar dynasty and the beginning of Pahlavi the first, Boyer Ahmad khans fought the government forces of Shulestan in favor of Emamgholi Khan Rostam. The action caused nothing but widespread insecurity, killing innocent people and harming people and creating ethnic divisions between the locals.

14th century was considered as the conciliation of Imami Shi'ism and Sufism. But, the relation at the beginning of Safavid dynasty developed to the extent that concepts such as guardianship in a mixture of Shi’ite and Sufi themes made the situation prone to political functions. Imami Shi'ism became official for the first time by Safavids; however, their reliance on the support of Turkmen to acquire power urged them to make Sufism superior to Shi'ism. Thus, Ghezelbash people representing Sufism depicted a great kinglike image of the Absent Imam which did not comply with religion and was against the claim of jurists. The perspective did not remain stable after Safavid dynasty was completely established. The idea was in conflict with the interests of the ruling authority, so Safavid rulers turned to Shi'ism from Sufism. The issue not only made Shi'ism and jurists superior to Sufism but also caused Shi'ites confront Sufism for several centuries. The aim of the present article is to investigate the process of peace and conflict between Sufism and Shi'ism during Safavid dynasty.

Religious changes and reforms which occurred in most European countries in the fifteenth century, Ottoman danger which was an important issue in the Christian world and Europe, and some other factors made European countries seek to disseminate Christianity and promote Catholicism by collaboration and advice from Pope. Therefore, any European country selected missionaries among Catholic sects and sent them to other areas including Iran. What was governments' main motivation to send missionaries to other areas? Were religious factors influenced by political and economic issues? The present article attempts to have an analytical view and to utilize the reports related to the presence and activities of missionaries in Iran, Travelogues, and all historic documents and books to answer the two questions. According to political, economic and religious situation of Europe, it seems that the missionaries were sent by the support from European governments. However, because of the especial importance of the religious issues in Europe, the factor of religion was the most important matter in sending missionaries. On the other hand, due to a feud with Ottomans, commercial competitions in Europe, and development of capitalism, political and commercial issues had attracted the attention of European governments and the Pope. Priests and missionaries were very influential in development and success of political and commercial relations among European governments. But, the claim that the missionaries were sent just for political and commercial purposes is not acceptable.

Utilizing supervisory and controlling institutions in order to identify various issues of governing territory was considered necessary by rulers. Imperial inspection was one of the intelligence agencies during Pahlavi the second. This agency was established in 1958 under the command of Mohammad Reza Shah and was revived after a short break in the 1960s. In fact, the purpose of the king to revive the agency was to eliminate objections, remove obstacles to the consolidation of the regime, combat with corruption and failure, and ensure the wellbeing of bureaucracy. This was apart from the king's suspicion to and fear from influential figures and institutions in the country, especially after Mordad 28th coup. The organization had abundant and almost unlimited authority. Therefore, a very important issue related to the name of the organization is its performance, that is, a series of actions done in order to perform the tasks. Actually by examining the performance of administrations and organizations, it is possible to reveal their dynamism and stagnation. From 1972 to 1979 and along with the presidency of Fardoust, the organization performed several activities and was informed of the internal situation of the country. The present article utilizing a historic method aims at investigating the reasons for reviving the organization and the quality of its performance and effect during the second period and presidency of Hussein Fardoust.

In 941 Amir Hussein Kurd established a reign called Bnihosnavie in the city of Zor and its surroundings; the event was at the same time with Buyids. After him, his son Hosnavie came into power. The period he ruled the government can be considered as the age of formation and development of the territory and consistency of the dynasty. After Hosnavie, his son Badr was in power and could reach the territory and authority of Banihosnavie to the peak. During the end of Badr reign and during the reign of his successors, there were internal riots which finally led to the extinction of the dynasty after Taher ibn Helal was killed in 1015. The article taking advantage of a descriptive-analytical method aims at analyzing the political, economic, and cultural events of Banihosnavie rather than merely describing the history.

Sarbedaran government was unique considering its social status, supporters, and religious affiliations among the numerous governments that emerged from all around Iran after the patriarch government collapsed. This factor demanded a special and different approach that they had toward the issue of legitimacy. On the other hand, the quality of political instability which was prominent in Sarbedaran, and specifically frequent dethroning and murdering rulers raises questions about the amount of success the government achieved in establishing legitimacy. The present article has a descriptive analytical method and through investigating the information from historic resources reveals that social status and different religious affiliations of Sarbedaran government made them not only unable to take a lot of advantage of conventional sources of legitimacy but also unable to make new sources as the result of legitimacy.