Journal of Historical Researches
Year:2013 | Volume:49 | Issue:2 (18)|Papers Count:7

There is misunderstanding about not only Taghizade’s intellectual insight but also his political character. The difference is that he himself contributed to such misunderstanding more than others. Because, expressing the statement: “Iranian must be fond of western culture apparently and inwardly, physically and spiritually”, made others reckon that due to his superficial understanding of modernism, he is intellectually inadmissible and has declined as a person fond of western culture; while studying his notes and writings proves the contrary. Because of his political character that his intellectual character had concealed, obtaining power and performing any self-interest action which is an inseparable feature of a politician turned him to one of the most politicians in the Pahlavi era, especially after his signing the contract of 1933 to extend it.

Migration of Seljuq Turks and formation of the first government with a tribal origin was the preface of outstanding changes in the culture of Iran. Iraqi Turkmens as pioneers of this migration because of penetration in non-Arab regions of Iraq were known as Iraqis. The nature and ethnic roots of this groups and their relationship with Seljuqs can be investigated from two different perspectives: A group of historians know them as Israel citizens who were authorized by the son of Seljuq and migrated to Iran after he was captured by Mohammad Ghaznavid. The present article referring to available sources does not approve this theory and considers them as a branch of Seljuqs. From another perspective, actions Ghaznavids performed to restrain them and the policy Seljuqs later applied for Turkmens, not only before their arrival to Iran but also after their seizing power in Iran, experienced meaningful ups and downs. Such actions can be divided into three steps: neutral state against them, temporary alliance with them and repressive state against them.

The present study aims at revealing economic role and importance of the residents of western Satraps during Achaemenid Empire, taking advantage of an analytical viewpoint. Economic and business situation of Iran during Achaemenid Empire has been investigated by scholars of economic history and the history of ancient Iran, but the economic role and position of these residents has not been talked about very much. The findings of this study which is done based on studying historical sources, archeological findings and reports of historians clearly shows that the residents of western Satraps were economically the center of international trades at that time. This article analytically studies the economic structure of the residents of western Satraps based on present documents and sources.

After the inversion of Mongols was stopped by landowners, Mongol Ilkhans needed to union with eastern Christian governments such as Armenia and Byzantium, in order to have a better relationship with Europe because they wanted to be able to deal with landlords and maintain their political and economic interests. Byzantium government during paleologue dynasty, resisting against political risks which were surrounding Byzantium and threatening it, found the same political and economic goals and interests with Ilkhanids. In spite of this, even though Byzantium government did some practical actions in order to integrate with Ilkhanids, it not only couldn't have a stable coalition and continuous integration with Ilkhanids but also because of its strategic situation, often performed the policy of equilibrium dealing with all governments especially competitors of Ilkhanids. The present study while revealing the position of Byzantium in the foreign policy of Ilkhanids, using a descriptive-analytical method based on library studies, tries to investigate the quality and influential factors in the procedures adopted by the government of Byzantium.

Documents and tablets from cities located in Mesopotamia acknowledge huge firms which were engaged in different business and economic activities. Firms whose archives draw light on Persian conquest of Mesopotamia, land allocation to Persians, forming military bailiwicks, cooperation among enterprises of Babylon and Persia, taking different kinds of tax, and so on. Agibi firm is the most significant firm that played an active role in the economy of the region, from the kingdom of neo-Babylonian to the kingdom of Darius the Great. Achaemenid tax organization, land tenure, paying a variety of taxes, and business were the most important fields that Agibis were engaged in. The main goal of this article is to investigate the role of Agibi’s family in tax organization and economy of Achaemenids.

Different social groups such as intellectuals, scholars, traders, and Sufis were involved in costitutional revolution. Some of the members of these groups acted as advocates of revolutions and some others either joined the opponents or stayed neutral. Sufis and mystics were among those who played roles in the event. Sufis of different branches of Ne’matollahi were also among the ones who were considered as the main figures in the revolution. In the present study; first, social and political orientation of all the four branches of the doctrine Ne`matollahi called Safi Alishahi, Genabadiye, Kowsar Alishahi, and mounes Alishahi, toward parliamentary system is investigated. Then, the main point in this article, why the orientations of these branches were different from each other, is studied. The findings of the article reveals that three factors: 1. Social class of the partisans of the dynasty, 2. The leadership of the dynasty, and 3. Social and political atmosphere of centers of dynasties had the most influential role in forming different orientations among the branches.

Dashnaxion (Dashnaktsutyun) party, together with some other Armenian parties that all had great excitement to set Armenians free, was established during the last years of 1880s. Considering the dominance the party obtained over the political life of Armenians in less than 10 days, it was not surprising that it can authorize the country in May 28, 1918, after Armenia declared its independence. Dashnaxion required theoretical background on Armenian independent government to be able to perform its political role. The present article, using a descriptive explanation, reveals that the party lacked any coherent and explicit theory on national government from 1890 to 1918, and during the time, in five separate periods it sometimes became close to the concept “national government” and sometimes far from that concept. Finally, after the independence of Armenia, the party was forced to lead the new government without previous preparation.