JOURNAL OF CENTRAL EURASIA STUDIES
Year:2014 | Volume:6 | Issue:2|Papers Count:10

When Dashnaktsutyun party was established in 1890, it was considered the third Armenian political party. However, in the year the Republic of Armenia gained independence in 1918, the party had acquired a position of dominance in the life of the Armenians of the Caucasus. This position became a serious source of the obstacle in the way of the interactions and cooperation of the Armenian political parties for the future of the country right after the establishment of the independent Armenia. Relying on Robert Michel's theory of political party, the objective of the present study is to explain how such greatness and cohesiveness was created for Dashnaktsutyun party. The use of the theory of political party reveals that “leadership in organization”, “dictatorial tendencies of leaders”, and the effect of the psychology of power on the personality traits of the leaders changed Dashnaktsutyun from an open opposition association to a cohesive oligarchic organization. This oligarchic structure placed Dshnaksiun above all other Armenian political party, and led to its domination in Armenian political life.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of a new world order, the nature of power changed from exclusively military to a combination of military, economic and political one; and consequently the new discourse of geo-economics emerged alongside the geo-politics. Since then, most countries have tried to maximize their relative power positions in the international system by emphasizing economic development and pursuit of national economic interest. In this regard, the role of energy as a determining factor in development became more significant than ever; and the Great Powers became more attracted to the energy rich-regions. The author tries to demonstrate the special and unique position of Caspian Sea basin as a geo-economic balancer in the world. Due to its vast gas and oils reserves, its location in the East-West corridor, and considering the security vulnerability of the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea plays a geo-economic balancer role in the world. In a case study of energy security of the U.S. and China, special attention is paid to the role of Caspian Sea region for Russia, China and the United States.

A significant transformation in Turkey's foreign policy orientation occurred after the Justice and Development Party (AdaletveKalkınmaPartisior AKP in Turkish) gained power in 2002. This change was the cause of dissatisfaction of Turkish secular military leaders, Kemalists and pro-Westerners who are concerned that similar to the former Islamist parties, the AKP might seek to strengthen Islamism and form religious alliance in this region by abandoning the principles and doctrines of Kemalism and the West. Since 2002, new principles for Turkey's foreign and domestic policy were defined, but the comparison of the function and output of the AKP''s foreign policy with the principles of Kemalist foreign policy indicate that the new leaders have adopted a modern Islamic outlook. They not only think differently compared to the earlier Islamists, but they have also reached an agreement on reconciliation with their oldest and toughest rivals (i.e., the secular Kemalists) regarding the principles of Kemalism. Their new approaches to foreign policy are just changes in tactics to achieve the traditional objectives which have been the foreign policy priorities of the seculars.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the declaration of independence by Azerbaijan, Tehran-Baku relations have been generally moving in the right direction with occasional ups and downs over the past two decades. Factors such as cultural and historical communalities and the potential for economic cooperation have acted as impetus for the expansion of relations between the two neighbors. Nevertheless, this bilateral relationship, from the viewpoint of Azerbaijan, is confronted with discouraging obstacles and constraining factors such as the ongoing conflicts over the unresolved issues of the legal regime of the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan’s desire to join NATO, and its relations with the U.S. and Israel. Despite some opportunities for improving relations between the two countries, challenging factors have put more constraints on Tehran-Baku ties. First, the author briefly examines the history of Iran-Azerbaijan relations, and then discusses the factors influencing their integration and disintegration.

On 22 August 2012, the World Trade Organization (WTO) announced that Russia has joined the organization as its 156th member. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation applied for membership in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1993 and in the WTO which replaced GATT in 1995. After nearly 20 years of negotiations, Russia formally joined the WTO in 2012. Russia's joining the international multilateral trading system as one of the world's largest economy and most populous country might have significant economic implications for Russia, its major trading partners and the WTO. Its accession to the WTO is a major step in the economic integration of Russia into the world economy and will help its economic development by attracting foreign investment and removing trade barriers. Russia's membership will help the WTO to gain universality, and increase the scope of global rules and regulations of trade. The author seeks to examine these consequences of Russia's WTO membership, and argues that the key implication for Moscow's major trading partners means more stability and certainty in international trade regime and in Russia's trade and investment.

Preventive Diplomacy, a concept promoted more than fifty years ago by Dag Hammarskjöld, former UN Secretary General, is now being institutionalized through United Nations Regional Center for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA), which is established for the purpose of peaceful settlements of disputes, and prevention of conflicts by using preventive and early warning mechanisms. The center is tasked with providing assistance and support to Central Asian states, and capacity building to prevent challenges that are potential issues of conflict within the region. This article will define the concept of preventive diplomacy and explain regional crises, and then assess UNRCCA's activities in order to analyze the capacity of this organization in confronting regional security threats.

Russia is considered the core of the former empire of the USSR. Many social and structural features of the Soviet Union could be observed in the development of Russia’s political power and strategic attitude. Geo-political competitions between Russia and the West can be traced back to the 19th century. These competitions were shaped within the framework of the balance of power system in international politics. The Soviet Union had changed the power equation to some extent. The US and the Soviet Union created the bipolar power system during the Cold War of 1945-1991.The international power structure changed in 1991; but this change did not have a significant impact on Russia’s security policies towards the region. Although the bipolar structure has changed since 1991, Russia has not changed much of its security policies towards the US. The author tries to explain the role of the geo-political factors in Russia's security policy-making. Russia opposes the expansion of NATO and the U.S. unilateralism in international politics. Clues of such approach could be observed in Russia's opposition to U.S. missile defense plan and its criticism of the US strategic policy of withdrawal from the anti-ballistic missile treaty. Russia has been following the model of soft balancing and multilateral cooperation in its foreign policy. Indications of this approach can be seen in Russia’s policies towards its peripheralareas. The focus of Russian securitypolicyin theMiddle East (e.g., in Syria) is on maintaining astrategicbalancevis-à-vistheU.S.

Israel's presence and influence in some regional and international conflicts are clearly observable. The Jewish state uses various instruments to intervene in sensitive and strategic regions. The most important of these instruments are security-information infiltration and military technology superiority. Georgia conflict, in addition to its regional effects, quickly took on an international dimension because of the post-Cold War geopolitical importance of the Caucasus and its transformation into a zone of extra-regional power competition. Israel's intervention in Georgia had varying economic, cultural and political dimensions and was for specific goals. However, the most important aspect of Israel's activities in Georgia has to do with its military-security intelligence and espionage undertakings. Reportedly, the role of the Zionist regime in Georgia is not limited to the sale of advanced weapons. Israeli officers also participated in the training of the Georgian troops; and Israeli companies were active in arms production in this country. Using the balance of power theory, the author analyzes Israel’s role in the Caucasian crises in order to show how it has penetrated Iran’s geopolitical periphery.