Political International Researches
Year:2018 | Volume:9 | Issue:33 |Papers Count:8

The present article by an interdisciplinary approach tries to examine from political sociology and international political economy point of view the interactional relations between oil nationalistic movements in Iran and the developments in rules of production and sale of oil in international oil market within an important period of time, an approach which has less been paid attention so far. The question raised by the paper is "What and how has been the impact of internal social conditions and the structural rules of world oil market from 1921 to 1981 on the process of developments of oil nationalistic movements? " The underlying hypothesis is that the depth and level of oil nationalistic movements and level of strength (or weakness) of structural rules of production and sale of oil in world oil market within the above said period can be categorized in five period of time of oil nationalistic movements. The article shows that these five categorizations of oil nationalistic movement can help us in better understanding of oil politics in Iran and other oil rich countries and also the relations between the oil developments in oil rich countries and the developments of world oil market. In this direction the peculiarity of each period from the view point of oil market, method of functioning of oil companies, nature of anti-colonial movements, goal and achievements of these movements have been studied separately. The methodology used in the paper is descriptive-historical and analytical.

Undoubtedly the geopolitical location of Iran and Iraq and their economic, political and cultural ties has intertwined in history and in an era of interdependence one can witness the interactions of the above spheres. One of the regions where has great importance in new Iraq is the autonomous region of Kurdistan. This region has great geopolitical significance and it is necessary to know that what opportunities and challenges it has for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present article by adopting mutual interdependence as its theoretical framework wants to answer this question as to what potentials and factors Iraqi Kurdistan have to influence Islamic Republic of Iran. The underlying hypothesis is that the relations between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan in issues like culture, terrorism and regional security, economic activities and the issue of energy can create opportunities and challenges for Islamic Republic of Iran. The present article by a qualitative method and descriptive-analytical approach deals with the problem. The finding of the study shows that the right understanding of the importance and place of Iraqi Kurdistan can help to achieve Iran's interests and contain the threats from the latter.

The "One Belt-One Road" initiative was introduced by Chinese president Shi Jingping in September 2013. This plan consists of two parts: One New Silk Road and the second Sea Silk Route. China by introducing this plan is pursuing ambitious goals. These goals include economic growth, ensuring energy security, expansion of the sphere of influence, access to world markets and building cost effective transportation and transit routes. This project seeks to facilitate the transfer of energy and commodities to China and from China to other parts of the world within a short span of time. The sea route consists of two directions: First a route from the coasts of China through the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean to Europe and the second from the shores of China to the South Pacific Ocean. The question raised by the paper is "How the above said project will be effective and useful for China's energy security? " The underlying hypothesis is that China intends to implement this plan with the objective of establishing friendly relations with oil rich countries, creating different land and sea routes and diversifying its source of supply of energy and in this way ensures its energy security. The methodology used in the paper is descriptive-analytical.

The United States political system is based on separation of powers with dividing the power between each branches and the check and balance system oversee the other branches. As result due to this system of check and balance there is always a struggle between the president and the Congress in foreign policy matters. Thus each branch under the constitution claims that has the right or power to give its opinion on foreign policy matters. This interference of the role has also shown itself in the case of the United States foreign policy vis-à-vis Iran and each branch particularly the legislative branch tries to exert his views about Iran. The present article by a descriptive and analytical method and by referring to bills approved in the Congress against Iran and also the hearing held about Iran wants to answer this question that what role the United States Congress plays in furtherance of policies about Iran and how it tries to pursue it? The hypothesis is that every time Congress has entered into US foreign policy decision making process, the result has been the adoption of aggressive and stringent decisions about Iran. In fact the Congress has tried to have upper hand over the president in determining the policies against Iran.

While in the political and legal regimes and doctrines, there is much emphasis on international agreements and conventions for international arms control and promoting peace, yet since the beginning of the third millennium the role of preventive diplomacy has become more important in this regard. The question raised by this paper is that" what are the achievements and role of preventive diplomacy in international arms control and what are the mechanism and solutions for promoting peace? " The underlying hypothesis is that the role of preventive diplomacy in international arms control can be evaluated in peace time, time of crisis and time of outbreak of armed conflicts. In peace time functions of preventive diplomacy are in the fields of confidence building, institution building and early warning, in the time of crisis, fact finding, crisis management and preventive deployment of force and in the time of armed conflicts, disarmament of both sides of conflicts and their destruction of weapons and economic recovery of the country or the region affected by war to prevent them reentering armed conflicts and increase use of weapons. The methodology used in this paper is descriptive-analytical and the necessary data have been collected on the basis of library sources.

"Realm" is the most important term in political geography or geopolitics and its meaning and function is subject to time and spatial requirement within economic, political, military, cultural and technological variables. Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union the geopolitical aspect of relations has given its place to geo-economic aspect. This means the economic function of places have given geopolitical weight. The question raised by the article is the "How will be the expansion of sphere of relations of south east region of Iran in world economic relations in post sanction era? " The underlying hypothesis is that south east of Iran, particularly the Chabahar port has the potential for transit and economic zone and if it is paid attention to in the form of investment and augmentation of its infrastructure it can have a special place for trade and business in global scale. This can be seen from the attention which regional and global powers have paid to it in spite of the existence of some sanction from before. The methodology used in the paper is descriptive-analytical by relying on library sources. The finding of the study shows that the increasing needs of India and China for energy and markets with their dynamic economies demand their presence in economically strategic places of the world and in this regard Chabahar port has an important place in geo-economic and geopolitical relations. This has brought a competition between India and China for their presence which the visit of several diplomatic and business delegations shows their seriousness. Their objectives are to invest and exploit the potentials of transit of energy sources, transit to Afghanistan and search for market. The trend shows a better place for Chabahar in future.

In the third millennium especially after 11 September 2001 events and the uprising which later happened from 2011 in North Africa and the Middle East, the world has witnessed the increasing expansion of Salafi-Takfiri groups and gaining power of extremist religious groups in the Middle East. The Salafi-Takfiri groups with their ideological backing are a threat to the world and the Islamic Republic of Iran particularly that Iran is located in frontline of these groups. The present paper wants to answer this question that "what have been the consequences of the rise of these Salafi_Takfiri groups for Islamic Republic of Iran? The finding of the study shows that the Salafi-takfiri groups as a factor of security threat, instability and disorder for the Middle East region and challenge to Iran on the other hand have provided some significant opportunities in certain aspects. The Methodology used in the paper is descriptive-analytical and the collection of data is from library sources and documents.

The Middle East is a region with significant geostrategic and geopolitical place. This region is having great source of energy and for this reason it has been the focus of attention of extra-regional powers. The United States as the sole big power of the world has paid special attention to this region and tries to pursue its objectives through different strategies. The present article by a documentary method and referring to documents of national security of the United States wants to know the strategy of the United States within the framework of regional orders. The underlying hypothesis is that the strategy of the United States for creating regional order in the Middle East has undergone change from classic hegemony to moderate hegemony. The finding of the study shows the new strategy of the United States is based on cooperation with the Middle East countries with minimum common interest of them. For this purpose the United States seeks legitimacy and support for the exercise of its power and actions in the region and the world.