Iranian Journal for the History of Islamic Civilization
Year:2017 | Volume:49 | Issue:2 |Papers Count:7

In the teaching tradition of Ottoman calligraphy, there was a custom known as "Ijazat Nameh", "Idhn Nameh" or "Ahliyat Nameh". This custom was apparently only prevalent in the Ottoman calligraphy. According to this custom, the apprentice wrote a piece in naskh, thuluth, or Nasta’ liq script, and s/he brought it to the sight of one or more professors, and professors also often confirmed it by a script called "authorization script" ( Ijazah script). In addition to examining the concept of permission ( Ijazah ) in this teaching tradition and its origin, research on the structure and content of permission letter (Ijazat Nameh) and the recognition of a script called " Ijazah script", the size of Ijazat Namehs, permission terms and the place penned by master as permission, are required to better understand this custom. And this is what this article is to undertake.

The Karrā miyya sect, which emerged in the third century AH, grew in the Ghaznavid period as a result of several factors, and affected the social life of Khurasan. This papaer investigates the social consequences of the Karrā miyya’ s activities in Khurasan during the time of Ghaznavid Sultans, and reviews the causes and factors of the growth of them. This article shows that the social status of Karrā miyya as well as the crisis of the legitimacy of the Ghaznavid rule during the time of Sultan Mahmū d provided the basis for their cooperation. Using social-educational institutions such as school and khanakah, Karrā miyya’ s leaders propagated their sect and published their sect among the groups of businessmen, and government agents. In fact, the system of social stratification of Khurasan was broken by Karrā miyya and they competed with the followers of other religions and influential groups in Khurasan to seize economic resources, social and administrative positions. This competition led to the creation of the first religious requisition in the history of Khurasan.

Abū Naṣ r Tā hir ibn Muhammad Khā nqā hī is one of the greatest preachers and wise men of Khurasan. He lived in the middle of the 6th (AH) century in City of Sarakhs. Our knowledge of his theological and jurisprudential ideas is limited and confused. He is regarded sometimes as a follower of Shā fiʼ ī 's thoughts and sometimes as a follower of Karrā miyya sect. In this article, author, tries to study the historical and geographical environment of Khā nqā hī and his book Gozideh and to throw light on his theological ideas. The result of the research shows that although the traces of Ashʻ arī te and Karrā miyya thoughts can be found in Abū Naṣ r, but he cannot be regarded as a follower of Ashʻ arī or Karrā miyya, but he can be regarded as a follower of “ Hanafī s of Sunna and Jamā ʻ at” .

The confiscation of delinquent official's properties as an administrative punishment started from the beginning of Islamic era and certainly, Umar's reign. Regardless of such function, this practice became one way of acquiring income for Muslim rulers. In this survey, besides investigating the conceptual changes of confiscation, the practical domain of the term has been inquired in Iran at the Islamic period up to the end of Safavid era. From the concerned data about confiscations exerted in Islamic Iran, the authors try to present the history of official's confiscation, and show that confiscation has usually been considered as a complementary programmable income source.

Mukus tax (customs duty), a type of special tax on the import and export of commercial goods, was an important financial resource for governors in Egypt (19-254 AH/ 640-868 CE). The Mukus tax initiated by the Byzantine tax law of Egypt was adopted and applied in a modified form under the Muslim governors’ rule. The governors tried to capitalize on the proceeds of import and export, improve foreign trade and set up ports and to make them economically prosperous. Drawing on earlier sources, the study will examine the law associated with Mukus tax under Egyptian governors, the similarity of the mucus system with other systems like ʿ ushū r and how it affected Egypt’ s economic system.

The arrival of Muslim conquerors to Egypt has caused many developments in this land. One of these historical developments in Islamic urbanism was the construction of Fustat's city, which is located next to Bab Elion in the northeastern coast of the Nile River. Although Fustat was a temporary city and it had been built momentary tents of Muslim's conquerors, it has been recognized as a permanent and stable city in Egyptian history. Irrespective of the causes of durability and stability of the city, this paper is to answer this question that what were the factors behind the expansion and development of the city of Festus from its first time 20 AH to the Fatimid’ s rise (358AH)? Using descriptive and analytical method this study indicates that the following factors were the determining one for the expansion of the Fustat's city: geopolitical location, its vicinity to Babil Elion in the northeast of Egypt, the increasing number of human resources because of the arrival of numerous Arab's tribes and Muslim jihadist forces, and the necessity of their settlement for the continuation of military operations in adjacent territories. The need for establishing a religious and political center in the form of castles and mosques and creating prosperous markets for economic benefit should be added to these factors, as well.

Throughout the pre-modern history and almost in all regions, kings have enjoyed special privileges in their people’ s view, due to some special features and abilities. Shah Ismaʻ ī l I, is one of those historical figures who have attracted the attention of many researchers to his sophisticated, and engaging personality. The extraordinary praise of his supporters during the Safavid period has led to some incorrect opinions about his ideas and motives. One of these views is the claim to divinity attributed to Shah Ismaʻ ī l. These opinions proposed mostly by Western scholars, were endorsed by some Iranian scholars. In this research, we try to critically examine the evidence of the claim to divinity by Shah Ismaʻ ī l. Western scholars of Safavids seem to have proposed such opinion for some reason, including lack of knowledge of the cultural and social conditions of Iran during the Safavid era.