Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Author(s): 

SEMATI HADI | HORMOZI SHANI

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2014
  • Volume: 

    5
  • Issue: 

    2 (18)
  • Pages: 

    5-28
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    829
  • Downloads: 

    185
Abstract: 

Geneva agreement is a milestone for the country's foreign policy in general and for the dispute over Iran's nuclear program specifically. This accord reached shortly after the inauguration of the Rouhani government changed international mindsets towards Iran and demonstrated the new government’s political will with regards to taking strong action in order to engage the international community. Though this interim agreement is not without shortcomings, it has had noticeably positive ramifications in both foreign and domestic arenas. This article will answer the question: What effect has the Geneva Accord had on the sanctions against Iran? In the opinion of the authors, the Geneva Accord or the Joint Plan of Action has significantly affected the sanctions against Iran on four levels. A) The sanctions themselves: the implementation of the Accord leads to some sanctions relief. B) The environment of the sanctions: this also weakened the global sanctions environment against Iran, and introduced a trend of desecuritization of Iran and the nuclear program. C) The sanctioning countries: The Accord has led to disagreements between the sanction imposing countries and has shifted the balance between the supporters and the dissenters of the sanctions regime. D) The goals of sanctions: The Accord has uncovered friction between sanction the goals of the sanction imposing countries and divided them into the two camps of those who wish to eliminate Iran’s nuclear program and those who wish for it to have limitations and transparency.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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Author(s): 

JAVADI ARJMAND MARZIEH

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2014
  • Volume: 

    5
  • Issue: 

    2 (18)
  • Pages: 

    29-57
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1410
  • Downloads: 

    194
Abstract: 

U.S. foreign policy making is a complicated process because of the number of players involved. Generally, the executive branch is considered to be responsible for decision making and implementing U.S. foreign policy. The Constitution of the United States, however, has assigned some foreign policy powers and responsibilities to Congress granting importance to its role in U.S. foreign policy. U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East has been one of the areas where the U.S Congress has exerted its influence through its foreign policy powers. This paper looks into the role the U.S. Congress has played in U.S. foreign policy toward Iran with a focus on sanctions laws passed in Congress. Using Scott and Carter’s two-dimensional model of activity and assertiveness, this paper argues that the U.S. Congress has become both more active and more assertive in U.S. foreign policy making toward Iran specifically in the case of sanctions and it has taken the role of a Competitive Congress in its relations with the executive branch.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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Author(s): 

JAMSHIDI MOHAMMAD

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2014
  • Volume: 

    5
  • Issue: 

    2 (18)
  • Pages: 

    59-81
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    571
  • Downloads: 

    167
Abstract: 

U.S. policy towards under Obama administration has been driven by geopolitical considerations; therefore, bilateral relations between Tehran and Washington have been dependent upon geopolitical competitions. The Islamic Awakening in the Middle East and North Africa has left lasting imprints on the geopolitics of the region and on the nature and domain of Iran-U.S. competition. The most noticeable characteristic of this phenomenon was that ordinary people turned into the main actors on the political scene. This previously absent factor caused a change in the geopolitics of the region. In fact, the Islamic Awakening has shifted the balance of power in the internal politics of regional countries in favor of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to the detriment of U.S. allies. As a result, in the midst of regional revolutionary developments, the United States found Iran to be one of its most potent rivals and took measures in order to counter the Iranian influence. These counter-Iranian measures were set as to manage and control the Islamic Awakening. This article explores the impact of the Islamic Awakening on U.S. policy towards Iran. This paper argues that Washington perception of the region, following its failure to predict and manage the upheaval, led to the evolution of US strategy which resulted in intensification of aggressive policies directed towards Tehran. These policies were implemented in order to utilize newly recognized regional opportunities while depicting the Islamic Revolution as an inefficient model to follow for Arab states. This strategic approach was manifested in the form of crippling sanctions.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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Author(s): 

BAKHSHI AHMAD

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2014
  • Volume: 

    5
  • Issue: 

    2 (18)
  • Pages: 

    83-108
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    699
  • Downloads: 

    436
Abstract: 

In every country’s policy settings, a realist and reasonable understanding of national power, features of the external environment, the dominant international and regional paradigms as well as environmental vulnerabilities and threats is required. The African continent has turned into a significant region in the aftermath of the cold war and the emergence of the regionalism era. One of the key actors in this continent is South Africa. This article examines the past trends in Iran’s relations with Africa in general, and studies the significance of Iran’s relations with South Africa in particular. The hypothesis is that for Iran, expansion of relations with an emerging regional power like South Africa advances national interests, strengthens south-south relations and reduces international and western pressures. The methodology of this research is one of explanatory-analytical; using the SWOT matrix, the points of strength and weakness of the Islamic Republic is studied with the ultimate aim of presenting solutions to policy-makers in political, social, cultural and economic sectors.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

View 699

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2014
  • Volume: 

    5
  • Issue: 

    2 (18)
  • Pages: 

    109-133
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    662
  • Downloads: 

    215
Abstract: 

The aim of this paper is to contribute to knowledge regarding a remote region of the world- Central Asia - that is nonetheless of the utmost importance in the geopolitical context of today due to its strategic position as a link between East and West, a space of competition and reinforcement of the great powers. Besides, the region has been, in recent years, attracting the attention of foreign investors due to the existence of large reserves of oil and gas. The central argument is that the regional powers (Iran and Turkey) demonstrate a predominantly economic interest (the search for energy resources) towards the region, pursuing fundamentally realistic policies with regard to it. Alternatively, to the participant and non-participant observation, difficult techniques are to apply to this object of study, we resorted to the semi-structured interview. The field research was done through interviews conducted predominantly in Central Asia with key individuals related to the issues under study. We suggest in the specific case of Iran that the country is inspired by the Chinese policy towards Central Asia, which has shown remarkable vigour in recent years in order to project its power in the regional sphere and to mitigate the effects of Washington’s (essentially) desire to isolate it.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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Author(s): 

NASRI GHADIR | SALIMI ARMAN

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2014
  • Volume: 

    5
  • Issue: 

    2 (18)
  • Pages: 

    135-163
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1270
  • Downloads: 

    303
Abstract: 

Following the start of clashes between the state, salafi and Kurdish forces in Syria and the resulting intensification and prolonging of the civil crisis (2011-2013), the role and approach of the Kurds in the Syrian political equations has attracted substantial attention. The Syrian Kurds have gained control of the majority of the Kurdish areas of the country and pursue their freedom and civil rights through the two movements of "Kurdish National Council" and "People’s Council of Western Kurdistan". Practical examination of the future of the Kurdish demands in relation to the Kurds’ capabilities and weaknesses is of great importance. The reality is that in the aftermath of the Iraq war in 2003, Syrian Kurds’ demands for protection of their identity rights have increased dramatically. But the path to realization of such demands, including local administration of their areas and creation of federal regions, is impeded by a number of domestic, regional and international obstacles. Regional complexities and international necessities have turned the Kurdish subject into a problem. In the present article, the likely solutions to this problem are examined and the focus will be placed on the question, given a number of hard power and soft power capabilities and difficulties the Syrian Kurds have, which of the three options of integration, autonomy or independence is available to them? Examination of these scenarios needs proper models and also new data. On this basis, we will use the "ethnic minorities weight measurement model" to test the hypothesis that the soft power and hard power potentials of the Syrian Kurds, along with the security considerations of the powers involved in Syria, have served as an obstacles on the way to independence for Syrian Kurds, diminish the possibility of their autonomy and driven them towards becoming a powerful cluster in the framework of the Syrian Arab Republic".

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2014
  • Volume: 

    5
  • Issue: 

    2 (18)
  • Pages: 

    165-199
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    790
  • Downloads: 

    333
Abstract: 

The sudden and unpredicted 2011 revolutions in Arab countries have been one of the most important socio-political phenomena in the Middle East. The Egyptian rebellion was at the centre of attention because of its national, regional, and political impacts and consequences. Therefore, understanding the drives behind the uprising will provide remarkable insight into the recent unrest in the Middle East. Raising the question of how has the bad governance prompted the Egyptian revolution? We consider the analysis of collected data corresponding to good governance indicators (voice and accountability, political stability and absence of violence, governance effectiveness, and regulatory quality, rule of law and control of corruption) to evaluate the Egyptian government’s performance on the eve of the revolution. Having investigated the indicators of good governance in Egypt, we support the hypothesis that the Egyptian revolution was linked to the absence or weakness of the above indicators. In our view, extensive corruption in the public sector, socioeconomic disparity, lack of transparency in the political system, inefficiency of public institutions, centralisation of power, resources and special authorities in the hands of a group associated with the ruling government, the government’s unresponsive attitude, and ultimately non-fulfilment of good governance principles as well as the increasing gap between the rich and poor led to the instability and vulnerability of the political system, which eventually resulted in the Egyptian revolution in January 2011.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

View 790

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