JOSTARHA-YE SIYASI-YE MOASER
Year:2018 | Volume:9 | Issue:1 |Papers Count:6

In the last few decades, the system of religious democracy, as a political system based on Islamic teachings, has been considered by thinkers in different fields of human sciences and has been viewed from different angles and approaches. One of the less-regarded approaches is the civilization approach, which means that this system, as part of the evolution of the Islamic Revolution, has the capacity to form Islamic civilization? In this research, in a civilization approach, various approaches in democratic systems are examined and, by adopting a "ontological" approach, examines the capacities and components of civilization in the system of religious democracy. Based on this approach, Islamic civilization and the system of religious democracy, like the centralized circles, have a single nucleus that is the organization, perfection and development of human relations. Therefore, the advancement of the religious democratic system on the basis of human nature and Islamic identity has led to the formation and development of civilization and facilitates the process of civilization. Such a civilization, in common with the general features of civilizations, such as rationality, order, and security, is common to Western civilization, but it has different epistemological and ontological foundations. On the other hand, Islamic civilization in the absence of Mahdi's promised civilization, in the absence of a complete human being, is in a minimal state. The system of religious democracy, which is in the midst of two existing civilizations, can serve as a transitional model for the gradual formation of Islamic civilization.

Identity concerns is as old as human life and creation. In fact, human is the only creature that is unable to survive and continue without understanding what and who is he. Nevertheless, in the light of different methods of explaining this concept, always we can speak of national identity.In this paper, researchers, by selecting nationalist current and reading identityby reviewing discourse of that current, seek to provide a model and pattern of nationalism’snational identity discourse since presenting a model and pattern help analyze and comprehend the phenomenon more. Accordingly, current-discourse as a model and pattern of reading identity would allow us to achieve a more meaningful understanding of national identity in nationalist current. Although there is no Predetermined and fixed identity in the community, but current-discourse helps us for better interpretation and articulation of concepts. Applying this method for better explanation and reading of national identity as nation’s life-giving can be affective. Therefore, researchers refer to current-discourse as a method to survey the national identity in one of the Iran's contemporary Current-Discourses, i.e.nationalism As a result, while understanding the historical evolution of national identity, a national identity’s discourse model in nationalist currenthas been achieved.

The reasons for the formation of the Takfiri groups dominated by analysis in the framework of reaction to modernism and globalization after the 90s. Despite the remarkable points in this approach, it seems to have little ability to answer the questions about the formation of these groups in a particular and late historical period on the one hand and the ontological and epistemological level relation of these groups with the West as a concept on the other hand. The main question of this article is what is the ontological and epistemological functions of takfiri groups in today's world. The hypothesis of this paper is that takfiri stream act as another identifier for the concept of the West on ontological and epistemological level within the framework of the new Orientalist.

Social gaps and splits have long been the cause of social dilemmas and crises in various societies, and threatened the convergence and social cohesion of those societies. Therefore, the desirable management of these gaps has been consistently targeted by government officials through the adoption of efficient strategies. Meanwhile, the management based on concluding social treaties is one of the most important strategies for managing social gaps, as the administration of the prophet of Islam (PBUH) is a graph of the implementation of this strategy. The present paper will attempt to answer this question that what is the contract-oriented position in managing the internal gaps of prophetic society and how does this kind of management affect the creation of social convergence in the same Islamic society of the Prophet (PBUH) ? In this regard, while presenting a conceptual model, it first addresses the social divisions of the prophetic society and then focuses on the interactive strategy benchmarking of the Prophet (PBUH) in managing social divisions. It should be noted that the authors of this paper will use the documentary-library method to collect information and use the descriptive-analytical method to answer the above question.

This research aims at reflecting on political positions of Imam Sadiq (AS) against the Bani Umayyah so as to keep and safeguard the Shiite culture. This study is a historical research which has been done both descriptively and analytically. The topics have been taken from the Imam Sadeq’s (AS) sound sources in a library manner. The results show that a free political atmosphere was opened when the Bani Umayyah was on the verge of overthrow. Thus, at this stage, the pressure on the oppositions, especially on Imam Sadiq (AS) was reduced, and for this reason, Imam Sadeq (AS) got the maximum advantages of this opportunity for his own religious purposes a. This study reveals that Imam Sadiq (AS), as one of the pioneers of Islamic movement and the leader of genuine religious culture, did a series of political actions such as strengthening the status of Imamate and accepting religious leadership, creating political realism, rebelling against the oppressors, perpetuating the memory of Ashura and Taqiyah among the Shiites, which have been dealt with in this study.

The main claim of this paper is that Imam Khomeini has a philosophical base in the Kashfe Asrar and has answered the questions posed by the author of the Thousand-Year-Old Secrets Book based on his philosophy. The philosophical basis discussed in the present article is the way in which the soul and body communicate with the transcendental wisdom that Imam Khomeini has addressed in his philosophical works. By virtue of this rule, the soul, in spite of determination, prevails and depends on itself. Each soul belongs to a specific body and cannot be transmitted to another body. This connection has been generalized in the thought of Imam Khomeini to the relationship between Sharia and politics. Politics needs sharia and sharia also needs politics. Sharia must come from the heart of politics, society. Based on this, one can explain why Imam Khomeini, in spite of knowing the governments of the time of absence, advocates cooperation with the existing government? Why does he believe in Islamic government? Why does it believe that people should act to establish an Islamic state? But perhaps one of the most important benefits of examining the philosophical foundations of Imam Khomeini during the twenties of the twenties is that his practical and theoretical positions are analyzed not only on the basis of the political, social and intellectual dominant position, but also from his intellectual foundations. In the present article, the author does not reject the role of political and social factors in the political positions of Muslim scholars, but believes that ignoring the philosophical and intellectual foundations of these scholars and focusing all attention on historical and colonial developments is a comprehensive and It will not provide fundamentally, he analyzes the positions of Imam Khomeini in the discovery of secrets based on his philosophical foundations.