JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL RESEARCHES OF IRAN AND ISLAM
Year:2023 | Volume:17 | Issue:32 (پیاپی 31)|Papers Count:16

The economic growth in the South Caucasus led to the emergence of new industries such as oil, cement, mining, construction, textile, etc. A significant manifestation of this development was the extraction and industrial exploitation of Baku oil wells on a large scale. These new industries created a greater need for labor in the Caucasus region, which the local workforce could not meet. However, seasonal unemployment in the agricultural society of Iran, particularly Azerbaijan, and the proximity of this state to the Caucasus, provided new job opportunities for farmers and workers in the Caucasus. This study aims to answer the question of what life was like for Iranian workers in the Caucasus and how comfortable they were. Based on statistics and information obtained from archival documents of Russia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan, this article concludes that Iranian workers played a critical role in the agriculture, oil, and communication industries of the Caucasus during this period. However, they earned very little income and lived in a deplorable state of well-being. Most of these workers were uneducated and unmarried, and due to the exhausting nature of their work, the rate of illness and death among them was very high.

َAl-Mutawakkil (232-247 AH), only two years after gaining the seat of the Caliphate, emerged from the thought of the Mu'tazilites and turned to the Hadith. Then, he left all the religious affairs of the caliphate to the Ahl al-Hadith and expelled the Mu'tazilites. With this event, while the thought of the Ahl al-Hadith became state-owned and their domination over religious thought, a kind of intellectual-political exchange was formed between the Caliph and the Ahl al-Hadith. Under these circumstances, the Imams, who had faced the transfer of the Imamate Center to Samarra, saw in front of them a network of narrators who, while forming a new religious community, believed in Shiite teachings. This study sought to answer how this happened and to re-examine it in the terms: "socialization". The findings indicated that by expanding the intellectual activities of the Hadith movement and trying to nourish society, they designed a set of political, social, cultural and even military strategies in the form of hadith. Imamiyya also used the two elements of hadith and reason to campaign for this cultural event. This research explored the interaction of Hadith and Imamiyya.

Knowing the place of "self and other" to determine the continuity of the process of Iranian-Islamic identity in the thought of Mirza Mehdi Khan Astarabadi, the historian of the Afsharid period and the ideas influenced by it on his attitude in reflecting on the traditions, events and events in the writings of Jahangosha-ye Naderi is the subject of this research.The present article aims to introduce, examine and study Jahangosha-ye Naderi through the conceptual and methodical understanding of its reports, with the descriptive-analytical method, to know the main aspects of the political, religious and social life of this period. Iran-History, also by recognizing Astarabadi 's point of view on the subject of "inside and other", investigates its reflection in the content and method of his historiography. The findings of the research show that in Naderi's worldview, ethics, character, Nader's leadership and Iranshahri's thinking were the defining and identifying elements of "self" in the focus of Astarabadi 's attention and other issues in his eyes are merely a reflection of this thought. Also, since Astarabadi 's thinking, vision, language, concepts of historiography and historiography (epistemology) and "self-other" beliefs have shown themselves well in Jahangosha's history as a mirror, on this basis it seems When he talks about the other versus the insider, he has in mind three types of it in a different form: "religious-political-cross-border" and accuses all of them of interfering in Iran's internal affairs.

The history of Iran has always witnessed the six stages of formation to collapse of various dynasties, and this continuous process can be seen especially in the Qajar period. The purpose of writing this article is to examine the rise and fall of the royal dynasties according to the six stages in Iran and to examine this process in the era of the Qajar dynasty. The research method is analytical and based on the research process in new historical sociology, in the sense that the process of the establishment and fall of a royal family or a government is investigated in a six-fold process, which includes the weakness and inefficiency of the central government; activation of centrifugal currents; collapse of the government system; The loss of authority of the government, the spread of rebellion and the increase of insecurity with the invasion of foreigners or internal chaos; the appearance of a mighty savior; And finally, the suppression of centripetal currents is the provision of security and the beginning of a new authoritarianism. The findings of the research show that Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar was established following the inefficiency of the Zandiyeh government, the activation of the centrist movement in the late 18th century, the collapse of the Zandiyeh government system, and the loss of the authority of the central government. The Qajar dynasty also declined in the early 20th century with the assassination of Naser al-Din Shah and the unrest caused by the tobacco movement and the constitutional revolution, and Reza Shah Pahlavi took his place in a similar process. The general result of the study shows the existence of the same trend in historical developments in several recent dynasties, especially until the Qajar period.

Hadiths are the basis of narrative sciences. Hadith scholars traveled to important cities in Islamic civilization to acquire this knowledge. Basra was one of the important centers of Islamic sciences in this field. In this research, we try to evaluate the motivation of Isfahan's scholars to travel to Basra and the results of this communication. In this research, with the library method and data analysis in religious sources, it will be discussed how the Muhaddiths of Isfahan and Basra communicate. The questions that are raised are: What factors were effective in attracting the scholars of Isfahan to Basra? What effect did the scientific trips of Isfahan's hadith scholars to Basra and the use of visual scholars' knowledge leave on the hadith flow of Isfahan? Important factors such as the similarity of the intellectual and scientific atmosphere of Isfahan and Basra in the early centuries, which were the defenders of Sunnis, the geographical and scientific location were effective in this connection. The special feature of Basra, such as the presence of numerous Companions, hadith memorizers, and the presence of numerous and reliable narrators in the Sahah of the Sunni sect, became an important motivation for the scholars of Isfahan to use the knowledge of Basra. The analysis of Rijali sources shows that due to the connection between Isfahan's Muhaddithists and the famous Sheikhs of Basra, the Hadith flow of Basra, with the characteristic of emphasizing the criticism and modification of the narrators, had an impact on Isfahan's hadith science. The records of the narrators of Isfahan show that the influence of the visual masters can be seen in the sources of Rizal and the series of records of the Muhaddithians of Isfahan until the following centuries

The attitude of Iranians towards the American mission, which began its activities in Urmia in the mid-forties of the 19th century, went through many ups and downs until the victory of the constitutional revolution. These missionaries left an impact in various cultural, educational and medical fields in the Iranian society, but despite their effective actions, they faced various oppositions. The questions of the research are, which groups and how did they react to the cultural actions of the American missionaries? And did these reactions create obstacles in the activities of the missionaries? This article, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the press and unpublished documents, shows that the relationship of the Qajar rulers with the American missionaries in Iran was subject to various religious, political and social variables. On the other hand, the religious forces resisted the entry of new ideas and these oppositions even led to the killing of American missionaries, but in spite of all these challenges, the press and progressives of this period unanimously supported the activities of the missionaries due to the knowledge of the advanced American educational system. The country and by presenting numerous articles, they convinced the people and government officials that they should be influenced by American modern education and allow Muslim children to enter American missionary schools.

It is necessary to study the socio-political life of the Arab tribes and their reaction to Islam to know the early history of Islam. One of the most powerful tribes in the north of the Arabian Peninsula was Bani Kalb b. Wabara, resisted the acceptance of Islam until the last years of the Prophet's life, relying on geopolitical interests.The attribution to Yemen, the vast geography, the leadership of the judiciary, and the religion were the cause of the solidarity of the kalbis who sought to preserve it. Therefore, the leading research tries to answer with an analytical-descriptive method of how this tribe treats Islam and studies the effective geopolitical factors in it, as a result of which the strategy of the Prophet has also been studied. The results of the research show that the people of the Kalb tribe, depending on their political geography, confronted the Muslims as much as possible, and it was only after the actions of the Prophet in reforming their interests that they converted to Islam.

One of the indicators of the historiography of the middle period of Islamic Iran is the theoretical discussion of "ruling etiquette and governmental ethics" during the expression of historical developments and relying on "Islamic verses and traditions".This method of historiography has been affected by the historical and political conditions of Iran and the world and the necessity of familiarizing the rulers with the ways of governance in the middle period of Iran. Historians of the Middle Period, together with the verses of the Quran and Iranian culture, express the sovereign duties of the rulers. Among the historians of this period, Hafez Abru, in the introduction of his geographical book, raised the issue of "Civilized Politics" scientifically and systematically. Although Hafez Abru was not heretical in dealing with this issue and historians his contemporaries have also addressed this issue. Therefore, considering the importance of political governance and its cultural and social dimensions, it seems necessary to compare the views of Hafez Abru with other historians and thinkers of his era in the field of governance and rulership. Therefore, the current research aims to find the answer to this main question: What are the concepts of governance, duties, and personality characteristics of the rulers from the perspective of Hafez Abru and the Muslim elites of Iran in the middle period of Iran? The research method in this historical research was based on library sources and by using interdisciplinary studies, we will try to answer the research question descriptively and analytically based on the data of the original texts.

The historical geography of the northern lands of the Kingdom of Hormuz is the study area of this article. Access to the sea, especially being located at the entrance to the Persian Gulf, the presence of numerous estuaries that allowed the berthing of cargo and fishing barges, as well as access to other fertile coastal and post-coastal lands such as the Minab plain and the fertile plain of Rodan, the presence of drinking water sources, especially the river. Rodan and Minab, and most importantly, being located on the land and sea route of the Edavieh route, were among the most important advantages of Old Hormuz, which provided the basis for the establishment, independence, and expansion of the power of Hormuz monarchs. This article aims to answer this basic question: What role did the geography of Hormuz play in the formation and expansion of the power of the rulers of Hormuz? The answer to this question will be found with a descriptive-analytical method and a historical approach based on the historical geography of old Hormuz and its place in the formation of the rule of the kings of Hormuz in the middle of the 5th century AH.

Hossein Kia Chalavi is one of the prominent claimants and opponents of Shah Ismail and the Safavid Qazalbash. He can be considered the most powerful Iranian opponent after Agh Quvinlu against the rise of Safavid rule. Eventually, he was able to openly enter the power struggle in the last conflicts of Agh Quvinlu and used various opportunities to expand his political and military power and control to expand his territory. However, these conflicts and power struggles have not been properly assessed. This article tries to evaluate and analyze these issues and answer the question why Shah Ismail and Qazalbash behaved decisively and with indescribable hatred and violence towards him and the inhabitants of his territory. The importance of the issue becomes clear when we know that the Safavid historians have passed the war of Chalavi and Qizilbash with vagueness and generalities, and contemporary researchers have rarely mentioned this prominent claimant in the discussion of the formation of the Safavid government. According to the primary sources and their investigations, this article concludes that Hossein Kia Chalavi is one of the prominent and perhaps the only politicalreligious claimants of the Safavid dynasty, whose rule was severely complicated by Shah Ismail. Safavid historians tried to downplay this claim of the government and erase their name and memory from the memories.

Despite taking a neutral stance, Iran heavily suffered from the First World War. Russian and Ottoman forces violated this neutrality and occupied a vast part of the country along the western frontier. This critical situation caused many calamities with deep and viable effects on the social life of Western Iran which missed scholarly attention. Bearing this in mind, and drawing on a bunch of unpublished archival material, this paper aims to shed new light on some unexplored dimensions of the subject. The central focus of this article is on the social and economic problems that ensued from the lasting occupation of the western provinces of Iran. At the same time, it seeks to prepare a descriptive explanation of the behavior of the local elite in confrontation with this crisis and what we can term center-peripheral policies. The findings show that the Ottoman invasion to western Iran and its occupation had certain social and economic consequences. These problems not only affected the local economy and social life but raised serious challenges for the central authority

Throughout history, Qazvin and its surrounding areas have always been the target of migration and movement of different socio-economic groups due to the three geographical and climatic conditions (mountains, cities, and plains) and the establishment of the highway of east-west and north-south of Iran and the intersection of communication routes. In the 4th and 5th centuries, the historical developments of the Eastern lands of the Islamic Caliphate based on this geographical and climatic situation, caused the presence of Turkish nomads in addition to the mountaineers and city dwellers of this region. This issue gradually brought about significant changes in the general situation of Qazvin. Therefore, Qazvin during the Seljuk era witnessed the interaction and confrontation of three groups in terms of political and socio-economic aspects: city dwellers, mountain dwellers, and desert wanderers. Therefore, in the leading article, an attempt is made to answer the main question of how these three groups interacted with each other and what effect it had on the public atmosphere of the city while exKeywords: Qazvin, Seljuqs, urban dwellers, mountain dwellers, desert wanderers.

The relations between the government and the urban society of Iran were not the same in different periods, and how the rulers acted, such as establishing order and security in the city, establishing justice in the society, dealing with the oppression of government officials, providing social and civil services, and attracting the support of tribes and groups at the same time. urban areas played an important role in their relationship with the people and the level of satisfaction of the society as well as the continuation or fall of a government. The main issue of the current research is how the Zandiyeh government is related to the urban society of Shiraz and its effect on the establishment of the Qajar government. The answer to this question is found by descriptive and analytical methods and relying on library information. Based on the findings of the research, the relationship between the government and the people of Shiraz can be divided into two general categories: authoritarian (strong) governments and non-authoritarian (weak) governments. Meanwhile, authoritarian governments can be divided into two groups: efficient governments (with the general characteristics of benevolent actions of the ruler aimed at the public interest and as a result the relative satisfaction of the people) and inefficient governments (with the characteristics of individual and private self-interest of the rulers) and as a result of people's dissatisfaction) categorized. The relationship between the kings of Zandiyeh and the people of Shiraz can be placed in one of the mentioned categories, and this affected on the fall of the Zandiyeh government and the rise of the Qajar government.

Malaria is one of the deadliest parasitic and infectious diseases for which, despite the progress of medical science, no definitive treatment has been discovered. This disease was one of the main causes of death in Iran until the Pahlavi period (1941- 1979) and its consequences threatened vulnerable groups such as farmers and workers and affected malaria-prone provinces. Environmental conditions, socio-economic and cultural issues along with climatic elements played an important role in the spread of this disease. Therefore, it is important to examine the performance of the government (1978-1941) as the governing body of society in the face of this epidemic and a problem that has affected the important aspects of people's lives, including the continuation of life and livelihood. One of the solutions of the government in dealing with this disease was the exchange of experience and consensus in advancing the steps that crystallized in the form of development plans. However, comparing the actions of the government and the program organization in different periods showed that the activities were not always successful. Therefore, examining the reasons for the success or failure of the government in controlling and curbing malaria in development programs is a question that is raised in the research. The results using the National Council negotiations and the reports of the program organized in a descriptive-analytical and post-event method showed that although there was a change in health policies by the planners and the government, with the beginning of the development programs in 1948 and with a focus On the causes of disease outbreaks, it was effective in reducing pathogens and reducing the number of patients, changes such as allocation of funds, equipment, and global aid would clarify the reasons for success or failure.

Succession wars began from the very moment that the Seljuks state was formed. Seljuks had a tribal insight about power. By this way of thinking, power belonged to all members of the tribe and the ruling family who controlled all the power was a representation of the members of the tribe. This system was useful in tribal life or living in a steppe, but it did not help to preserve the unity of a great empire such as the Seljuk empire, which feared civil war every time a successor was about to be chosen. This article is devoted to answering this question: How do Islamic and Iranian political thoughts, help to solve the succession crisis and legitimacy in the Seljuk era? This study claims that Seljuks considered two models of Islamic and Iranian political thought to solve the succession crisis. It seems that in the period under study, Islamic theoretical foundations found great importance in the matter of succession and were effective in maintaining the political order and stability of Seljuks, hence we will discuss its components and the opinions of Muslim thinkers in that matter

The system of administration of country divisions of Iran was in the traditional structural framework before the constitution until the reign of Ahmad Shah, and even the law of 1325 A.H. of the first parliament of the National Council, which was written by the authors of the constitutionalists, could not change the ruling system of administration. create a lot But during the period of Ahmad Shah and the Ministry of Interior Qawam al-Saltaneh and with the presence of Demarni, the French advisor of the Ministry of Interior; The modernization of the system of the administration was implemented. Therefore, this research is trying to answer the question by using the historical research method and archival documents, publications and other historical sources, what were the factors and reasons for the change in the previous routine in the country's divisions during the period of Ahmad Shah, and how did this change happen? The findings of the research show that the leaders of government affairs during the reign of Ahmad Shah through reforms in the structure of the Ministry of Interior and the state administration, the formulation of annual budgets for the headquarters of the Ministry of Interior and the states and provinces, the formulation of the administrative personnel system of the Ministry of Interior and the Provinces and the formation of specialized commissions of country divisions in the Ministry of Interior were in pursuit of modernizing the system of the administration and making changes in that area with the aim of concentrating affairs.