Political Strategic Studies
Year:2019 | Volume:7 | Issue:28 (58) |Papers Count:11

Some believe that in the years after the Islamic Revolution, their preservation and self-respect in foreign policy have been superior to national interests, and national interests have often been neglected. But it should be said that this amount of attention and dignity can be derived from the "decent dignitaries" of Iranians. In fact, this is not necessarily after the Islamic Revolution, but for centuries, has been implicated in Iran's engagement with the outside world, which can be called the Safavits era as one of the first manifestations of the experience of a strategic culture of domination in contemporary Iran's foreign policy. Therefore, the present article, using the analytical concept of "dignity" and with a historical and descriptive analytical approach, seeks to prove that other concepts, other than the acquisition of power and security, such as "dignity, " have the ability to explain Iranian foreign policy during the Safavits period And, in the end, the main question of the current research is whether other concepts, other than the acquisition of "power" and "security", such as "pride", along with the three components of "self-imposed restriction in conflict", the "priority of identity" and "dignity" have the capability for the explanation of Iran's foreign policy during the Safavits era?

This article has been seeking the roots in the lack of forming the neccessary struchures for modernization and subsequent human developments in Iranian society of the Haseriera. Recogniting the personality traits of NaserAl-Dinshah, due toth. Personalization of politics during that period it has helped to find the roots of the factors influencing the subject matter. Researcher whitphenomemology method has analyzed Naser AlDinshah’ s character and it’ s influence on his political behavior based on Abraham Maslow’ s theory; and aswell analyzed the reflection ofking’ s decisions on Iranian society based on Inglehart’ s post-modernization theory, andthefactors influencinghuman underdevelopment in IranThe hypothesis of this research is that life environment of Qajar court were a barrier to NaserAl-Dinshah’ s basic needsand coused his tyrant character to be shaped. The longterm reign of NaserAl-Dinshah led to his influence on all aspects of socity, so politics and government were fully influenced by the king’ s personality traits in that period. The person who, due to various short comings and mistalcen decision, was an obstacle to modernization in the country, and as a result, he mode human development in Iranian culture in Naseri era concealed.

This article focuses on the issue of authority and its relation to the modern free subject in Iran today. The hypothesis of the paper is that the political organization of the Iranian society from the time of the arrival of modern times, with the exception of a model, is not possible with a model of the relation between the authority and the subject of the modern society. The failure of this model has been an explanatory factor of political legitimacy in modern Iran. Of course, various attempts have been made to construct this duality in such a way that it can be argued that only ideas in the political arena of Iran have played a role in establishing a relationship between the modern Iranian subject and a model of political authority. In this article, the author tries to demonstrate that the intellectual heritage deriving from Dr. Ali Shariati's thoughts, although he himself needs to be criticized, provides a preliminary plan for rethinking political authority and modern subjects in today's Iran. This article specifically explores the relation between subject and authority in Dr. Shariati's thoughts.

Since the triumph of the Islamic Revolution, when Iran became the center of Islamic political movement in the Islamic world, the West led by the US portrayed a hostile image of Islam and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Theorists and leaders of the Islamic Revolution such as Imam Khomeini, in order to counterbalance this move, portrayed the West as their other and the enemy. Ever since, such an image of the West formed Iran’ s foreign policy. In this article, using Laclau and Mouffe’ s discourse analyses method and the post-colonial theoretical model, authors explore Imam Khomeini’ s political discourse. The main question in this research is how the West as the other is represented in Imam Khomeini’ s discourse, and how such a representation is affected Iran’ s post-revolutionary foreign policy. Based on the hypothesis of this research؛ Imam Khomeini began to draw a boundary between the "us" of Iran and "the other" of the West and proceeded to produce an image of the West, which featured signs such as imperialist, exploiter, devil, tyranny, arrogant, and tyrannical, an image that has become the dominant attitude in our foreign policy. It has shaped the way that political activists are confronted with the outside world.

The root of the nature, the reasons and the quality of sociopolitical leaders' thought is hidden in their epistemological system. Understanding this system helps to recognize the influential components in analyzing sociopolitical issues from the viewpoint of the person. Although there are many scientific works regarding the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei, there has not been a work which investigates his epistemological system in analyzing sociopolitical issues. Using a descriptive-analytical method and having an epistemological approach, seeks to discover the epistemological system of Ayatollah Khamenei in sociopolitical issues. In answering the question that what criteria Ayatollah Khamenei uses in analyzing sociopolitical issues, we came to the conclusion that his epistemological system analyzes the sociopolitical issues by relying on the four processes of recognition that is the possibility of recognizing political issues, the capability of accepting the truth or falsehood of political events, the possibility of recognizing the true political event from the false one and the relationship between political events. The most important distinction of his epistemological system from that of other political analysts is the combination of experiential data with logical evaluations and revelational adjustment.

This article studies the position of the political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran development programs. Development is a general concept and indivisible, in this article its political section is considered and the following question is studied: what is the position of the political development in the third, fourth, fifth and sixth programs? In order to answer to this question, context analysis is used and development programs are selected as background. The findings of the research indicate that the political development in four development programs of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been considered. However, the amount of attention in each of the four programs was different. This amount of attention in the third, fourth, fifth and sixth programs is 31 Percent, 50 Percent, 29 Percent, and 43 Percent respectively. According to statistics, there is an increasing amount of attention to the political development in development plans, with the exception that this focus in the fifth and sixth programs have decreased compared to the other two programs.

The most serious threat that is perceived by each of the carriers involved in the crisis in an international crisis is "the threat of their fundamental values. " Through an analytical descriptive method, this paper seeks to understand why Iran's direct violence to manage crises Syria. So the main question of the research is why Iran is using maximum violence to manage the Syrian crisis? The temporary response is that Iran has used the highest levels of violence to manage the crisis on the basis of the perception of the threat to its fundamental values in the Syrian crisis. In this study, using Stanford's model of crisis management, we conclude that the perception of the threat to Iran's fundamental values in the Syrian crisis that threatens Iran's territorial integrity, its strategic depth, the threat of the collapse of the resistance axis, and, ultimately, the imbalance of ideology in area in the Syrian crisis has called for a violent response from Iran. The data collection and information collection in this study is based on a library method that includes the use of internal books and articles and foreign, publications and press and internet sites are valid.

The annual speeches of the political leaders at the UN General Assembly are the most visible opportunities for the members of the organization to present their international approach to their global government at the global platform. In this paper, using content analysis methods and analyzing discourse, the text of the speeches of Hassan Rouhani and Donald Tramp at the general assembly of 2017 will be examined in quantitative and qualitative terms and discussed in the context of CMM as one of the ideas of the field of between Cultural communication. The application of this theory in our analysis showed that while Rouhani's speeches were mostly from the "protestor" position, he addressed regional issues and equal relations with Iran-the world; Tramp, adopting a top-down position as the "moderator of the world", depicted a pattern of the state and the nation of America As an action plan for other countries. Also, the use of three interpretive, critical, and applied levels of CMM theory clarified that, firstly, the identity contradictions presented in two speeches deriving from a different global pattern of culture were with each speaker, and secondly, the only solution was to adopt a third way that could have the threatening or objectionable side of the parties In a dignified and equitable manner, to engage in communication, dialogue and engagement, and provide for cross-border communication in the form of transnational organizations

The United States of America and European Union are the two important actors in the international arena (world arena) whose roles are so effective in international interactions that the clash of their interests seems normal. But the conflicts between Brussels and Washington has been intensified by Donald Trump’ s getting to power as the president of the United States of America. Now the Nuclear Agreement between Islamic Republic of Iran and 5+1 which is supported by Europe in one side and criticized by Trump in the other, has been faced with an ambiguous future. This article seeks to answer this question that what is the scenario which can be taken by European Union to deal with this matter? To come over (reply or answer) this question, four scenarios have been considered checking the American and European viewpoints to this matter: The United States and European Union moving away from each other and Divergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations, Convergence between EU and the US, Persuading Trump to maintain BARJAM having commitment to Convergence in Trans-Atlantic Relations and the US and Europe conservative politics in Trump era. The methodology in this article is scenario writing and based on games theory.

The events of North Africa, led to the overthrow of old dictatorships of Tunisia and Egypt are of the most interesting incidents of these years which have attracted the eyes of many scholars. The paper tries to take a new look at the causes of Egypt revolution in 2011 led to Hosni Mubarak overthrown. Thus, in order to find out the causes, the structural approach of neopatrimonialism is applied because it is believed that this approach can explain better the political, sociological and economic roots of the revolution altogether. In doing so, this hypothesis is going to be tested that The neo-patrimonial nature of the Egyptian government has led to the deterioration of the regime's ineffectiveness as a result of popular protests in 2011, with its specific characteristics, such as personal power, patronage, corruption, dependence on foreign power by manipulating the nature of civil society mechanisms such as parties, unions, the private sector.

This article examines the role of unconventional oil resources on the internal structure and decisions taken by OPEC. The way members of OPEC are interacting shows that new shale oil resources influence the mutual behavior and decision making of the OPEC. Since the position and power of this international organization has always been influenced by its structural disagreements and production from the unconventional resources of oil, which its majority part is out of territory of OPEC members, Could end in depending differences inside the organization or it will repair them, any majority changes in the OPEC’ s impact on the global economy, may influence it’ s total existence. This research by using historical variables of differences within the OPEC and its adaptation with future quantity scenarios of the oil production from the conventional and unconventional sources comes to the conclusion that entry and continuity of the shale oil variable into the international energy market at the same time, could be the element for the continuity and strength of opec organization or may cause breakdown of this organization after several decades of its activity in the world energy market.