POLITICAL STUDIES OF ISLAMIC WORLD
Year:2019 | Volume:8 | Issue:3 (31) |Papers Count:6

Objective: This study has been conducted with the aim of finding the cultural bases of ethnic challenges in the Islamic world with emphasis on Azerbaijan Iran and tried increasing national solidarity. Accordingly, the main question this article is that what is the most influential cultural ground in formation and growth of ethnic challenges in Azarbaijan, Iran? Methods: research method is a qualitative and quantitative combination of data collection through library method with survey tool and field method with in-depth interview. The data analysis method was also used to describe the data and quantitative content analysis after accessing all the results obtained from library sources and in-depth interviews. Result: Findings of the research indicate that emphasis on the language of a country, cultural discrimination, and the non-implementation of Article 15 of the Constitution for the abandonment of Turkish speakers with 39% were the most important domestic cultural ground, and the impact of satellite channels in Turkey and Republic of Azerbaijan with 32% and superior Turkish identity in the vicinity of Azerbaijan with 31%, were the most important external grounds in formation and growth of ethnic challenges in Azerbaijan in Iran. Conclusion: The results of the research show that in order to create greater national solidarity, the cultural components of the Azerbaijani people within the country must be recognized and respected so that foreign countries can not provide a basis for creating ethnic challenges in Iran.

Objective: This article aims at analyzing how the imagination of a country form a region have caused the formation of a new geopolitical vision and how this formation has led to an expansion of country bound up to that region. To do that, the article first presents a theoretical background and explains how china's imagination from central Asia is formulated. The article then applies this analysis to the case of China relations with Central Asia with respect to how this imagined geography shapes the priorities of china foreign policy in the region. Method: The method in this research is descriptive-analytical and data and information are required by the library method and summarize historical data. Results: Article findings show that given the historical background of China-Central Asia relations and cultural commonality, China's imagination of Central Asia is positive and China is seeking to exploit the geopolitical capacities of Central Asia to strengthen its political and economic power. Besides, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, geopolitical codes such as security, economics and the formation of a great game have led to deepening China's relations with Central Asian countries. Conclusion: Examining the characteristics of the geopolitical image of China from Central Asia has shown that the country uses several geopolitical codes to extend its connection with the countries of the region. However, among these codes, there are specific codes that Beijing uses to adjust its relations with the countries of the region, which include the great game, economy, and security.

Objective: Regional cooperation between Iran and the Muslim countries in the Eurasian region has been an important aim for different Iranian governments especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of these countries. Looking at some features of new regionalism theories, the present article aims at considering the role of such an approach in providing an appropriate framework in order to understand the regional cooperation in the Eurasian region. In fact, the main question of the present article is the way Iran and the Eurasian Muslim countries could achieve convergence in identities and norms and also cooperate with each other despite the disparity in defining common interests. Method: The method used in this study is descriptive-analytical and uses the theoretical framework of neo-regionalism to analyze the areas of cooperation and difference between the two countries. Result: The author argues that Iran and most of the Eurasian Muslim countries could have achieved a shared definition of identities and norms governing the patterns of their foreign relations with taking advantage of cultural convergent capabilities. Conclusion: To conclude, the possibility of shaping such a kind of regional cooperation is examined and it seems that based on neo-regionalism framework, this policy will become possible when the level of analyzing the relations between these countries change from a micro-level of bilateral relation or a macro-level of global relations into a middle-level one within a regional relation and in a “ Cultural Eurasia” context.

Objective: South Korea’ s relations with the countries of the Muslim world can be seen as having mutual and common interests for both sides. Relationships that are remarkable in the context of relations between a middle power and a great civilization, but in many cases have been challenged due to the considerations of great powers, especially the securitization of issues in the Islamic world. Accordingly, the main question of the paper is that, how do the securitization issue has affected South Korea’ s relations with the Islamic world? And also how successful have been the efforts to desecuritize these relations? Methods: The research method is descriptive-analytic and documentary and reliable internet based sources have been used to collect the information. Results: The findings of the study indicate that although South Korea’ s relations with Islamic countries have been under the influence of great powers – especially the United States-in numerous cases, both sides have tried, along with maintaining their strategic ties with the great powers, to facilitate the desecuritization of their relations by efforts such as developing public-cultural diplomacy, strengthening economic ties and interdependencies, and also adopting an impartiality or non-interference approach in each other’ s affairs and crisis. Conclusions: Islamic countries and South Korea have tried to enhance their relations in different aspects including cultural exchange, economic cooperation and non-intervene approach toward each other that has contributed to the enhancement of their relations and also affected the securitized nature of their relations.

Objective: The emergence of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) was something no one could have predicted prior to the 2003 US Invasion of Iraq. A combination of skilled former Iraqi military personnel, eschatologically savvy Islamic clerics, and an army of domestic and foreign fighters have created the ultimate terrorist pseudo-state. The huge number of domestic and foreign fighters joined to ISIS, leads us to the question about the general and personal objectives and motivations of warriors. Recognizing these motivations through a deep study is the main perspective of this article. What are the leaders’ motivations and what do shape those of the simple fighters? Are there any effective motivations beside of religious objectives? So could some social, psychological or economic factors be traced as the individual motivations? Answering to such questions helps us to find relatively the degree and the depth of political cohesion and social solidarity inside of ISIS. Methods: Relying on the explanatory analysis, our methodology is structured with a behaviorist approach. The official statements, declarations and testimonies as well as the discourses, confessions and interviews are considered as the main base of analysis and we try to chase our data from the first and secondary sources. Results & Conclusions: According to our early prediction which was inspired from cognitive theory, various factors alongside the psychological characters shape the mental justifications and the heart motivations of recruits. And here in our case of study, there are a strong similarity between the understanding and conceptions of leaders and followers.

Objective: In the ensuing Egypt revolution on 25 January 2011, no one guesses the military dictatorship could turn back to power within the next two years. Political structure in Egypt since the 1952 Revolution that was won by the heading Free Officers Movement has tilted toward an oligarchic system. It is an intricate web of power that includes an integral part of the state such as the executive, parliament, the judiciary, the military and the rest. It is significant to be mentioned that the role of the military in manipulating political equations is so much striking than the others. In other words, the system of checks and balances has only been written as a part of the Constitution. Methods: Since the theoretical framework of the current essay is Historical Sociology (HS), its methodology relies on a crossover style. On the one hand, it follows the deduction manner; on the other hand, it pursues the induction one. Results: The power always has been in the hands of military men in spite of holding elections in Egypt within roughly the last seventy years. This situation that is not strange somehow in the Arab world is called the “ deep state” . Conclusion: Although people in Egypt vote for electing their own representatives in parliament, power are concentrated in a particular group. Ostensibly, there is a power rotation but its result is not tangible. The portrayal of the deep state in this country than other states in the region has been remarkable following Arab uprisings. Muslim Brotherhood coming to power despite military antagonism, resisting the Supreme Constitutional Court to elected president and finally ousting Morsi's Administration by a military coup d’ é tat on 3 July 2013 are only parts of the deep state role in the country during last years.