Manzar
Year:2024 | Volume:16 | Issue:68|Papers Count:7

In the Persian language, "Sar Panah" (in English, shelter) is a common word used for house. The purpose of a shelter is to protect humans. This compound word consists of two words: Sar means authentic and up, and Panah means a protector. This means the house mainly protects a person and guards his head and value from the outside, including atmospheric factors such as wind and rain as well as the dangers of the earth and its creatures. The common ground of the two hidden meanings in the word "head" signifies the high spiritual rank, geographical location, and a place of refuge. The concept of "Panah" is also associated with protection and enclosure. Therefore, shelter is expected to be the name of a structure characterized by introversion and isolation to protect others, highlighting perfectionism and meaning-seeking. This output is the structure that derives from the term shelter. This process ends in a dense, closed, and introverted structure that is completely shut off from the outside, whether the neighborhood or the environment. However, the analysis of the evolution of the house in Iran is different from this process. Not much exists on the early samples of Iranian houses and shelters. Scrutinizing early samples of settlement in Iranian caves such as Krafto in Kurdestan shows that the concept of "Sar Panah" has been equated to enclosed space, interconnected, narrow, and separated from the surroundings.Investigation into the oldest archeological site in the prehistoric period, including Shahr-e-Sokhte-y-Zabol (in English, the burnt city of Zabol), with a history of 5000 years confirms that the house and shelter have been conceptualized as before. The houses include narrow and dark spaces attached (for protection purposes), covered, dim, and void of any big opening outwards. The protective role of the house and its enclosure equates to isolation from the outside, which could be apart from the neighborhood or the environment. Examining the houses over a thousand years in different historical periods, including Median, Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sassanid, based on the documented physical and spatial changes, shows the first philosophical leaps in the definition of home and shelter compared to the previous era. Despite the technical changes in the construction and size of the house, which mirror a perfected achievement over time, the emergence of new organs in the architecture of the house presents a new conceptualization of shelter in this era, among which there is a central courtyard along with iwans. Opening the heart of the house towards the sky, closing it from four sides, and forming its spaces is the most heartwarming reading of the new concept of shelter. In this interpretation, isolation from nature and the sky is not an example of being sheltered any longer. Rather, it represents a special connection with the upper world or heaven, which not only is not misaligned with the concept of protection but also reflects an evolutionary relationship with the sky, which describes the house under its protection. This approach, which has gradually shaped the original pattern of Iranian architecture, has continued until the contemporary period. The initial samples can be seen in the Zoroastrian house in Jandaq and Mazra eh Kalantar in Yazd.The pattern of the central courtyard was improved, and different patterns emerged across Iran. Early samples in hot and arid areas included changes in some parts of Chahar-Soffeh houses, whose central opening, which sometimes includes the stem of an open dome, is a small courtyard that frames the sky.The residents of this house cohabit with the sky in an enclosed space compared to the surroundings. The selection of blue color for the domes in the main space of Iranian architecture seems to be associated with such a landscape. The popularity of the aesthetic combination of khaki and blue colors in Iranian art can also be associated with such space creation.The Iranian aesthetic system hinges on the pattern of the central courtyard, whose idea was linked with living space and home and then was extensively used as an essential and inseparable part of architecture. Shortly, this pattern was adopted in the spatial system of schools and caravanserai, mausoleums and mosques, gardens, and prisons. Iranian architecture is shut off from the neighborhood and open to the sky.Outside the village named Cham near Yazd, at the foot of the hill on which the Zoroastrian Dakhma (tower of silence) is located, a complex has been built to bolster the ceremonies and rites of commemoration of the dead. In a part of this pristine complex, there is a Chahar-Soffeh house, in the middle of which an open dome base connects the four iwans of the courtyard where nothing but the sky alongside the residents can be found. Repetition of such a landscape, while the purpose of a house is to create a shelter with all its complex and perfectionist concepts, has contributed to specific Iranian aesthetics in house architecture, which equates beauty to the presence of the sky in an enclosed space. The contrast created by coexisting openings and enclosures has contributed to the attractions of the Iranian house.

Iranian traditional arts refer to some common concepts in different representational forms rooted in the thought foundations of the creators of those arts. Through investigating different arts, we can observe that the concept of the garden has had a continuous representation in any form of art, despite the limitations of each type of art. It is assumed that by eliminating gardens from these works of art, the whole basis of these works is questioned, and it appears that a significant component that the artist meant to include has been eliminated. Thus, the question arises as to for what reasons gardens appear continuously in these arts. It seems that the reason for the frequent emergence of “garden” in different arts in the form of background presence rather than an added feature stems from the thoughts of the creators of such arts. The goal of the present study, which is a qualitative one using an a posteriori approach, has been to investigate the thought and reasoning structure of the creators of traditional Iranian art to represent the aims of these artists in imaging the garden continuously (in natural and abstract forms) within architecture. The method used to analyze the data in the present research was a qualitative content analysis, and the texts were coded to extract the analysis indexes. The poem interpretation method was utilized to explain architecture, and the indexes gained were then assessed. In each stage and after the analysis of the representation of the garden within the art of architecture, rational reasoning has been investigated. Results of the present research showed that ancient artists (masters in their fields) were some mystic characters who were able to observe unseen phenomena within the environment of the heart garden (internal garden) to meet what they wanted in a mystic state. Therefore, this spiritual movement of the mystic architect led to inform the audience regarding the products of their architecture using introversion indexes and related items to create thoughtfulness among the audience, and they were trying to represent a world beyond their common senses. The result has been the creation of a garden atmosphere within traditional Iranian monuments. This conclusion can release Iranian Islamic art from the disadvantages of formalism, sheer decorative features, and lack of content.

Examining the specific characteristics of various attributes and derivatives of the landscape is among the most important topics in the field of landscape study. The term “Persian landscape” refers to specific aspects of it that naturally possess unique features. Despite the significant importance of understanding the meaning and concept of the Persian landscape, its examples and instances are often referenced instead, while its essence and nature are overlooked. This has led to a multiplicity of meanings, causing various and sometimes inconsistent interpretations to arise. In the present study, an ontological approach is taken to delve into the essence and core concept of the Persian landscape, aiming to clarify its dimensions and constituent elements, and to refine this concept fundamentally. To explain the concept of the Persian landscape, this study employs an analytical-descriptive and documentary method. Initially, the constituent elements of the landscape were identified and introduced. Subsequently, the identity-giving components were examined to discuss their Persian characteristics. Accordingly, the Persian nature of the landscape is dependent on the existence and impact of natural and artificial elements with national identity, each encompassing a set of Persian identity-giving aspects. Additionally, the Persian-cultured human is recognized as an element with the highest capacity to manifest Persian identity in the creation of the landscape.

Public spaces within cities play a crucial role as significant reflections of their identity and social history, characterized by unique features encompassing natural, geographical, economic dynamics, and cultural traditions. The economies of cities and ports in Hormozgan province, historically central to regional fishing and commerce, grapple with challenges related to sustainable development, including the deterioration of historical contexts, rapid population growth, restricted resource access, and environmental degradation. In this context, public spaces, integral focal points in the spatial structure of cities, have undergone changes and faced challenges indicative of these conflicts. The influence of the development-oriented economic and cultural shift shapes the characteristic features of public space, determining its form and functionality. This shift, in turn, either strengthens or weakens the emerging spaces under this role. This study aims to explore the impact of these economic and cultural changes on public spaces, shedding light on the forces that shape their development. The objective of this study is to assess the current state of public spaces and their contribution to sustainable development. The goal is to comprehend the underlying factors influencing the formation of these spaces within the spatial organization of the studied cities and ports, aiming to enhance their development processes. This research employed qualitative methods, relying on field observations, documentary and library studies, and an analytical approach to describe the phenomenon. Through a comparative analysis of the three examined samples, a consistent pattern emerges in the repositioning of public spaces within the spatial organization of the city. The primary catalyst for this shift lies in the creation of economic attractions driven by a rapid increase in tourism. Historically, fishing and shipping dominated the coastal cities’ economy, shaping their structures. However, the current surge in the tourism economy, accompanied by lifestyle changes and increased capital attraction, has not only altered programmatic and financial dynamics but has also impacted the spatial organization of cities. This ongoing transformation, coupled with shifts in the region’s economic structure, has resulted in fundamental changes to the cityscape, rooted in the dominance of the development discourse and native traditions. Consequently, the city’s landscape and landmarks have undergone significant transformations.

Throughout history, the difficulties and constraints in the extraction of water resources have always made the supply and exploitation of water challenging for the people in the central and southern cities of Iran. However, such limitations have contributed to their water-related knowledge, insofar as the history of water engineering in Iran has witnessed the creation of masterpieces such as aqueducts and reservoirs. The city of Laft is not exempt from this rule due to its geographical location and special climatic conditions. Laft’s special conditions have created a phenomenon called “Talo wells”. The current research is an attempt to scrutinize the nature of the Talo complex as an ancient water infrastructure by analyzing written and oral sources related to the Laft area and Talo wells. It also relies on the knowledge of science related to the phenomenon of freshwater wells by examining its role in the social life of  Bandar Laft through the lens of landscape discipline. For this purpose, the location of Talo wells has been not viewed as just an engineering system for supplying water but rather a landscape phenomenon and infrastructure. This study employs a case study in which the data were collected from available literature, interviews, and field observations. Findings of the study show that “Talo” as the only water infrastructure in Bandar Laft, relies on a landscape infrastructure. Fresh water, as a vital and valuable element in the city, has contributed to the formation of the city-port of Laft and turned it into a civilized habitat. If, despite the special geographical location of Laft as the closest point of connection between Qeshm Island and the southern shores of the Persian Gulf and its effective role in creating settlement and business prosperity, without the discovery and management of freshwater resources in this port, the possibility of permanent settlement and the formation of an ancient city It did not exist and Laft became only a temporary resort and a connecting bridge between Qeshm Island and the coast of Hormozgan. In addition, Talo wells have a special place among the people of Laft because they provide access to limited and valuable sources of drinking water. The special and extraterrestrial position of water in this region has elevated the role of Talo wells from an urban water supply technique to a platform for the manifestation of philosophical concepts, sacred beliefs, interaction, and social participation of people in protecting water values.

Landscape and territory are concepts that refer to the relationship between human societies and their environment. Despite their widespread use in various studies, these concepts have sometimes been used interchangeably in an unclear manner, leading to ambiguity in their conceptual relationship and proper application in scientific research. Considering this issue, this study aims to clarify the relationship between the two concepts by examining landscape and territory, to ensure their correct usage in future research. Accordingly, this study addresses the following questions: What interpretations of the concepts of landscape and territory exist among different studies? And based on these interpretations, what conceptual relationship can be envisioned between the concepts of landscape and territory? This study is qualitative, and the data collection included a thorough search in both domestic and international databases. The data was analyzed using content analysis methods. The findings of this study indicate that territory is inherently a landscape and can be considered a type of landscape, conceptualized under the term “territorial landscape.” However, this large-scale landscape is itself composed of a collection of smaller landscape units, whose collective perception gives the territory and its identity distinctiveness. Additionally, the “Territorial landscape” refers to a concept different from “Landscape ecology” or “Territorial planning,” and unlike them, it adopts a holistic approach, considering both the objective and subjective dimensions of the territory. It emphasizes that territory is a historical, social, economic, ethnic, cultural, and ecological, unit that gives rise to a set of essential, unifying identity-giving characteristics within a geographical area.

Among the 40 identified natural hazards, Iran is vulnerable to 30. Tehran, as the largest metropolitan in Iran, was fraught with perils of which drought and water stress are the most significant. Apart from, damaging the environment and creating or intensifying secondary natural calamities, drought can impair social, economic, political, and physical aspects of life. Unfortunately, the management based on the development of grey infrastructure has exacerbated the vulnerabilities and diminished Tehran’s resilience. This research aims to address the effective factors causing the risk of drought and water stress in the city of Tehran and asses these factors. The study attempts to scrutinize what are the most important priorities of vulnerability. Addressing priorities can serve as a basis for decision-making and multi-scale planning of drought risk reduction. Such urgencies contribute to adopting preventive measures rather than crisis management. The theoretical literature of the current research is analytical-descriptive, for which data was collected from books, articles, reports, and upstream projects. Also, to evaluate the risk landscape, the risk matrix was developed based on the interactive model, and then the most important causes of vulnerability were extracted, assessed, and analyzed using fuzzy cognitive maps (FCMs). Research findings and the main drought risk scenarios of Tehran show that at the micro level, “high waste of water resources”, “change of land use and destruction of natural infrastructure”, and “urban development disproportionate to water capacities” are the main drivers. At the macro level, this issue is caused by repeating the cycle of “physical-natural-perceptual” damage and discounting the city as a human-environmental system.