IRANIAN POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL
Year:2019 | Volume:1 | Issue:4 |Papers Count:6

The land division policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran immediately became the agenda of sovereign institutions immediately after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The necessity of making fundamental changes in the state of land and land use in the country, the focus of the slogans of the revolution on social justice, and the demands of the villagers to change land management were among the factors that led to this issue being taken into consideration. This process, which began in 1979 and has continued with ups and downs and it had consequences in political space of villages and consequently the country. This article is the result of an innovative and genuine research that has been used for the purpose of gathering data through a deep interviewing method. In this approach, the data about political consequences of land reform were collected by referring to the elites who either worked in the 7-person delegation of land during the early revolution or involved in the land legislation in Islamic Republic of Iran. In the next step AHP method (hierarchical analysis), which is used more than the other methods in management, was used. Therefore, a new edited questionnaire was given to the elites and political consequences of land division in Islamic Republic of Iran were prioritized.

The constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran was revised in 1989. The question of this research is what the dominant discourses on this revision are and on what elements they focused. Reforms seem to be the result of rivalry between the Islamic leftist and rightist discourses. Islamic leftist, believed in velayat-e faghih, was trying to find a balance between the republicanism and Islamism of system and they also believed in propositions such as the impossibility of dissolving the parliament by the leadership, timing the course of leadership, the divine-people legitimacy of the government, the leader’ s responsibility to people, coordination of the powers by the president, and opposition to leader’ s delegate. While the Islamic rightist believed in Velayat-e Motlaghe faqih and define republicanism under Islamism Therefore, they believed in propositions such as the dissolution of the parliament, the dismissal of the president, opposition to the timing of leadership period, the divine basi3s legitimacy of the government, and the presence and involvement of a leadership delegate in executive bodies. The purpose of this study is to identify the dominant discourses on the constitution revision of Iran in 1989 based on the method of discourse analysis.

The press appeared after Abbas Mirza’ s modernization efforts and the Iranian students returning home from Europe. The first newspaper published in Mohammad Shah‘ s time and after issuing the constitutional decree the Internal newspaper except the newspapers in exile praised the Shah's orders and published news of the court. Therefore, in this research press is called the monarchy (courtier) political system in Iran. The constitutionalism order and fights for it leads to more freedom for the press and newer ideas and concepts were created in public life that differed from the monarchy political system in Iran. This difference is the core of this research and is called double consciousness. On the one hand, from the advent of the press to the end of the 13th solar century when Reza Shah involved in politics, fundamentally the press were a new phenomenon. On the other hand this phenomenon was supposed to work on political and social fields but it was not in accordance with individuals and public awareness. Consequently, this difference caused a contrast with the public awareness and opinions. In this framework, the main focus of this research is on how the press worked and the appearance of this kind of awareness in Iran’ s history with a discovering approach until 1299 when Reza shah involved in politics.

Political stability is one of the most important issues in political science. Normally, this issue is the goal of many governments and their enforcement policies. Researchers know the elements like participation, Institutionalization, legitimacy, and development as the signs of political stability in every country. In Iran history, the first fundamental endeavor to resolve the political problems and create basic changes in the political structure of the country, begins by constitutional revolution. This revolution came to victory by the support of different social strata and castes. But the proceeding of events showed that the security and law did not stabilize and even caused a long period of ethnic conflicts, weakening of economic interests of different strata and significant political instabilities. Experts of political science have mentioned different social disparities such as the gap between religion and the government, the gap between generations, and the ethnic and racial gap as the main reasons of instabilities of this period. In order to investigate this problem, a question is asked: what was the relation between the political instability and the social gaps in the constitutional revolution period. Then this hypothesis is presented that numerous gaps, compressed composition of gaps, activation of gaps, and the identical nature of the gaps in the constitutional revolution period brought about the political instability situation. This research tries to investigate the ethnic and racial gap among the numerous gaps of this period by the analytical-explanatory approach and use the historical data.

In recent years, media researchers in Iran have been studying the principle that news is the essence of mass communications, and by adopting this principle, the media which is always aware of their audiences’ needs, have prioritized this media product as the first important one The main assumption of these researches is to accept that the different generation of audiences do not change their tendency to consume and receive news. By questioning this principle, this research has been accepted, and its impacts have examined the tendency of three Tehrani young generations to compare influential elements specifically satisfaction on news consumption. For assessment, perception of utility variable, perception of ease and adaptation, influential variables on news sources, satisfaction with other life areas and receiving news habits, a retrospective quasi-panel approached has been used and examined. In this research, the statistical society consists of three generations of young people aged 15-24 in Tehran in the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s from whom 401 data samples were collected using questionnaires and the tendency results of these three generations to receive news have been compared separately. Based on the result from this survey, there is a meaningful relation in the elements of utility perception to receive the news, ease and satisfaction perception in life areas by receiving news in the first generation. But the tendency of each generation to receive news has differed a lot from the last generations.

Shahnameh, written by Abu ʾ l-Qasim Ferdowsi in the fourth century, is a great work in Iranian literature. This literary masterpiece includes myths, legends, and Iran history from the beginning to the conquest of Iran by Muslim Arabs. The relationship between religion and government (monarchy or kingdom) in Shahnameh, because of its importance in the modern era, is one of the favorite subjects of the new generation. In this paper, using Norman Fairclough's hermeneutics based on three levels of description, interpretation, and explanation, we investigated the relationship between religion and government in three mythological, heroic, and historical eras of Shahnameh. In this book, government has a uniform trend but religion affects this relationship with its ups and downs. Government as monarchy and kingdom has a simple structure but religion moves toward the complex structure over time and it transforms the relationship between religion and state. And over time, their simple relationship during the Keyumars, the first king, transforms into a complicated relationship in the end of Shahnameh. In this paper, we investigate the relationship between religion and state in Shahnameh according to three analytic levels of Fairclough and three parts of Shahnameh.