Police Historical Studies
Year:2025 | Volume:11 | Issue:43|Papers Count:6

Understanding the history and sustainability of the civilization of any land depends on the attitude of the people of that land towards their territory and the need to preserve and protect the borders of the homeland. Internal order of states and creating security at the borders are among the important measures that enable the creation of prosperity and development in a land. This research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and based on documentary-library studies. It seeks to find out, by examining the antiquity of the use of the position of border guard, what importance and prestige the Sassanian attached to border guards as one of the most important government officials, and what areas the holders of this position worked in and what characteristics they had. Also, what role and function did border guards have in regulating the affairs of the provinces, organizing government affairs, and creating security in the country. The results indicate the importance and prestige of border guards throughout the ancient history of Iran. Also, the main point is that since the Sassanid era, the term border guard was not only applied to the guardians of the borders and border guards, but also to military commanders, rulers, and administrators of the interior regions of the provinces. Therefore, these rulers and city guards, who were among the most important families and affiliates of the royal dynasty as border guards, were considered the main managers and administrators of civil and military affairs and played a role in creating security at the borders and establishing public order in the country, and in general, the most serious government issues.

From the beginning of the Qajar period to the middle of the Nasser al-Din Shah's rule, the order and security officers, with a simple model and inspired by the Safavi, were responsible for almost the same work in all periods. One of the issues that posed a fundamental problem for the security situation during this period was the lack of law in the government structure. To address this shortcoming, the government emphasized strengthening security and law enforcement positions. In Kerman province, since ensuring security and stability was always viewed as a critical issue, attention was paid to strengthening these duties. One of the ways to ensure security from the perspective of the rulers of this period was to severely punish criminals and those who disturbed security; but this goal could not be achieved even with heavy punishment. This article will answer the question of how the security mechanism in Kerman province was implemented during the period under discussion, centered on the sheriff, and what was the relationship between this position and the governors and other police officials of the city? This article uses a descriptive-analytical method to examine the issue and shows that the relationship between the sheriff and the ruler varied depending on the ruler's power and the sheriff's influence. The research findings show that the sheriff had an important position among the people and the government, and if he was unable to perform his duties or the government was hostile to him, his life and property were at risk of destruction. 

The lack of organization of the peasants in the scattered villages of Iran and the lack of clarity of their resources at the national level prevented them from participating as an effective class in the constitutional movement. Nevertheless, Gilan was one of the regions where the peasants seriously engaged in the peasant movement against the lords. They took various measures to fight the lords and enjoyed the support of political groups and parties such as the Socialists of the People and the Social Democrats of Gilan. The assessment of the general situation of the peasants and the reasons for the emergence of the peasant movements of Gilan on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution is the main issue of the present study. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and based on the collection of documentary and library information. The basic findings of the research indicate that during the different stages of the movement, the peasants took actions such as not paying the rent, fighting and clashing with the landlords and expelling them from the villages and forming rural associations. Finally, after two years of conflict between the peasants and the landlords, despite the temporary victories of the peasants, due to the lack of support from the parliament and the provincial association of Gilan for the peasants, the peasant movement was defeated and the lord-serf system once again ruled Gilan. 

Nader Shah, as one of the most prominent political leaders in Iranian history, adopted a special approach to his foreign policy and interactions, depending on the conditions of that era. This rare approach has received less attention from the perspective of its theoretical framework and the output of its components; therefore, the aim of this research is to present a coherent picture of the output of Nader Shah's foreign policy approach. The research question is: How did the dynamism and efficiency of Nader Shah's foreign policy at the three levels, domestic, regional, and international, pave the way for the superiority of Iran in the Afsharid era? The findings of the research, based on the aggressive realism approach as a framework of analysis, indicate that the output of Nader's order-building at the domestic and regional levels, objectively and in the form of suppressing domestic rebellions and regional rivals, and at the international level, symbolically and normatively, was Iran's superiority under the concept of hegemony. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and based on first-hand and second-hand written and online sources.

When Safavi came to power, a centralized government with Shiite religion and legal system based on Imami jurisprudence was established in Iran. Ensuring the security of the country, protecting the life of the ruler, and the survival of the government were among the main concerns of the Safavi. Qahqaheh Prison, as one of the institutions used to ensure security during this period, was of particular importance. The main question of the present study is what position Qahqaheh Prison and the rights of its residents had in the criminal justice system of the Safavi era and to what extent it was influenced by the teachings of Shiite-Islamic jurisprudence. This article, using a historical method and a descriptive-analytical approach based on the contents of primary sources and reliable historical research, has reached the following findings: Safavi historical sources about Qahqaheh Prison and its residents mostly recorded information related to the upper class, such as princes. Also, the Safavid judicial structure was mostly derived from the judicial institutions of the Mongol, Timurid, Qaraquyunlu and Aqqyunlu Turkmen governments, and was partly influenced by the policies of the Safavi kings. During this period, prison was not considered a type of main punishment, but rather a place for taking revenge, incapacitation, keeping away from society, gradual death or murder of opponents and enemies of the Safavi government, and the prison conditions and rights of individuals imprisoned in Qahqaheh had little compliance with the teachings of Shiite-Islamic jurisprudence.

After the collapse of the Safavi government, Balochistan became a turbulent region whose tensions continued until the middle of the Pahlavi period. How the government dealt with local rulers in the Pahlavi period is an issue that researchers have tried to answer with a “descriptive-analytical” approach and with the “documentary” and “library” methods and using “oral history” tools such as interviews with a few witnesses and informants of this event, to answer the question: What role did the Baloch tribal leaders play in the developments in Balochistan, and especially the regional uprisings? It is assumed that tribal relations and the specific conditions of Balochistan led to increased competition between tribal leaders and their desire for power, which intensified the fire of rebellions. The results of this study also showed that a large part of the tensions that arose were due to the tribal context and conflict of interests between the khans of Balochistan, and that political groups outside the region also played a role in escalating tensions.