INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY STUDIES
Year:2021 | Volume:3 | Issue:2|Papers Count:12

In this study, neoliberalism has been studied as a phenomenon resulting from the rupture in the Keynesian liberal power-knowledge system. Then, with the genealogical method of the neoliberal knowledge system, Thatcherism represents a prototype of the necessary connection between the neoliberal power-knowledge system. For this purpose, the dialectical theoretical framework of the power-knowledge system has been adopted. After intensive examination of the foundations of the neoliberal knowledge system, the political philosophy of neoliberalism has been addressed by dealing with ordo-liberalism and the idea of the social market on the one hand, and the Chicago school as new economic Imperialism on the other. Finally, the necessary connection of this neoliberal system of knowledge/episteme with the system of power finds itself in Thatcherism. The fundamental question in this research is to discover the foundations that led to the rise of neoliberalism and can be found in Thatcherism and Reaganomics as the political machine of this dominant institution. Thus, following the roots of neoliberalism as restructured capitalism in the dialectical theoretical realm of the power-knowledge system and its political manifestation in practice, the present paper follows this articulation under Thatcherism. For this purpose, following the principles of Foucault’ s theory of knowledge-power; Foucault’ s method of genealogy has been used to understand the lineage of the neoliberal system of knowledge, and a kind of radical hermeneutics is used to understand the outlines of neoliberalism in the formulation of its power-knowledge system called Thatcherism.

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is basically a global project and thus the existing literature has explored it broadly. This article seeks to explore the literature especially those focused on the BRI’ s effects in Western Asia. This literature has tried to explain it by employing international relations and political economy theories. By dividing this literature into four categories of realist, liberalist, constructivist, and Marxist, this article argues that despite the importance of the analysis of BRI in Western Asia by the existing literature, they are often based on predictions without enough objective data and are also reductionist. In a way that some have approached it via power politics (realism), some others through politics of wealth (liberalism), some via identity politics (constructivism), and finally some through the class politics (Marxism). By comparing the existing approaches, this article argues that Keohane and Nye’ s theory of international regimes, which is not being used in any existing theory about Belt and Road Initiative in Western Asia, provides a better theoretical framework for analyzing the BRI in Western Asia, because it takes into consideration some important factors such as developments in technological field, the growth rate of gross domestic product, and the governments’ objectives in pursuing economic policies and it fits better the objective data and realities of contemporary Western Asia.

Donald Trump got more than 74 million votes in the 2020 presidential election, making a record for the defeated presidential candidate in the United States history. Trump managed to get this result, while he and his administration had been under a wave of accusations including racism, populism, and mismanagement at home and abroad. The 2020 election results indicated that Trump's nationalist discourse despite rejecting the values of a liberal international order, has taken deep roots across the US society. This article aims to answer the question of why the United States during the Trump presidency turned against the USled liberal international order. In response, this article focuses on the increasing costs of US hegemonic role in international relations. The article as a mixed-method research focuses on the theory of hegemonic stability, arguing that Trumpism has been a result of American hegemonic foreign policy during recent decades.

The financial order of the international political economy after World War II with the center of the United States and its partners was formed on the basis of the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944, and since then the IMF and World Bank have served as key representatives of this order in the world economy. China's rise and expansion of its influence and economic power, It has led us to see more of this actor in the financial field of international political order. The purpose of this article is to study China's financial minilateralism and its impact on the financial order of the international political economy and the analytical-explanatory method will be answered to this question of how China's financial multilateralism has challenged the international financial order since the 2008 financial crisis? In response, it is assumed that after the 2008 financial crisis, China has created a New parallel historical block to the international financial order by spreading the idea of financial multilateralism to abroad, thereby has challenged the hegemonic position of the existing financial order. The findings show that China has tried by normalization and dissemination Chinese ideas through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, Unconditional Loan Procedures, the BRICS Finance and Reserve Fund, and financial and monetary cooperation with other countries in the framework of the Silk Road Revival Project organized a new type of financial minilateralism outside institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF and created a new configuration in the historical structure of the international institutional order.

Achieving regional and global order and security has always been one of the most important priorities and goals of the great powers. To achieve this, various approaches and strategies are being pursued by these powers in different parts of the world where the hegemonic approach is very thought-provoking. Hegemony is an order in which a great power alone plays a key role in the regions and tries to manage the security relations and communications of the regions through this. The hegemony in US politics and world order after the Cold War in the post-Soviet region has been very important and decisive. Using descriptive-analytical methods and library resources, this article, while conceptualizing the hegemonic order and its components, wants to address the question that how the United States did managed its relations in the post-Soviet region, especially with regard to Russia, after the Cold War through hegemony? Experimental and practical evidence suggests that, given Eurasia's importance to the hegemonic order of the United States, the United States pursue with three methods of nineteenth-century British balancing, Bismarkian policy (alliance, coalition, and economic, political, and military means), as well as a stabilization method based on the theory of hegemonic stability (American Pax Order), has faced security threats in the region. In this way, it has tried to manage its relations with countries in the post-Soviet region, especially with Russia and even China. Theoretical analysis of this hypothesis is based on Paul Papayano's theory in the book Security Order of Lake and Morgan and Hegemonic Stability Gilpin.

Developing and economizing the unconventional energy resources extraction or, in other words, the Shale Revolution, is a new global capacity that could change the current situation of economic relations and security of energy in the world. This new development has created opportunities for the European Union to strengthen its energy security. This article aims to identify opportunities associated with the Shale Revolution for the EU and evaluate the EU's capacity to exploit these opportunities. The main question is, what opportunities does the Shale Revolution provide for enhancing the energy security of the European Union? This study hypothesizes that exploiting of Shale resources reduces the possibility of securitization of energy within the EU's regional energy security complex. By using the descriptive-analytical approach, it was concluded that the extraction of Shale resources would not be possible at least in the short time within the EU. However, using the benefits of Shale extraction in other states, by diversifying imported energy sources and suppliers, reduces the possibility of securitization of energy within the EU's regional energy security complex, and by stabilizing global energy prices due to increment of supply, could further strengthen the EU's energy and economic security.

Technology is one of the most important elements of power and wealth (political economy) in today's world. The ease and posibility of technology transfer has always been one of the concerns of governments and economic activists in countries around the world. Technology transfer methods and models vary based on the experiences of countries around the world. The government's macro-view on the issue of technology transfer requires attention to the area paradigmatic as well as the executive and step-by-step view. In this paper, using documentary study, the factors affecting technology transfer in seven selected countries of Germany, Japan, China, South Korea, UAE, India and Turkey have been identified by qualitative content analysis method. Purposive non probability sampling was performed. Data are analyzed by conventional content analysis. Then, using comparative study and Boolean algebra method, the identified factors are divided into two groups of necessary causes and contributing causes. By using these factors, a model of technology transfer has been presented, which can be used as a platform for policy-making in the field of technology transfer at the macro level of the country. In addition, the role of government in technology transfer has been discussed and experts and elites of countries have been introduced as the main trustees of technology transfer.

Political and economic relations between the Persian Gulf states and the Red Sea countries, along with their historical background, have been accompanied by many ups and downs. With the intensification of disputes and rivalries between Persian Gulf states in the light of the revolutionary developments in the Middle East in 2011 onwards, these rivalries and alliances also covered other areas, including the Red Sea, and the Red Sea enjoyed a strategic position in the strategic policies of the Persian Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia became a major player in the political and economic scene of this strategic region by deepening its economic and political strategies in the Red Sea. In this article, the aim is to use the approach of international political economy and focusing on the Red Sea and Horn of Africa region, to find the goals and reasons for the economic and political presence of Saudi Arabia in this region. The main question is, what are the economic and political benefits of Saudi Arabia in the Red Sea? Our hypothesis is: economic goals such as maritime trade, economic investments and implementation of economic projects and political goals such as regional coalition building, weakening the power of Turkey / Qatar and Iran / Ansaru Allah Yemen the most important variables and economic and political advantages of Saudi Arabia are in the Red Sea. Findings show that the Red Sea has a strategic priority in the view of Saudi leaders to be able to develop their power in this strategic region and this goal is being pursued simultaneously with economic and political tools.

In recent years, the framework of political settlement to understand the differences in the performance of institutions in different contexts has been considered by researchers and policy makers around the world. Contrary to conventional analysis, which limits the failure of institutions to the capability of the state or cultural factors, this framework holds that the distribution of power determines the effectiveness of an institution. The distribution of organizational power of stakeholders determines whether these groups support, resist, or distort a particular policy or institution based on their "interests" and "capabilities. " Thus, by understanding the distribution of organizational power, one can understand the reasons for the not so successful performance of a policy or an institution in a particular political context. In this study, by examining the developments of Iran's political settlement, an attempt was made to examine the challenges of using industrial policy in the political and economic context of Iran. The macro-implications of the Iranian political settlement show that the short-term horizon and low executive capacity of the government, which is the result of a competitive patron-client political structure alongside influential companies, have greatly increased the risk of policy capturing. Setting precise, specific and conservative goals can increase the chances of industrial policy success to some extent. Supporting wholly privately owned enterprises with less political influence can also be another way to reduce the risk of protectionist policies to be captured. Finally, it should be noted that in the current political settlement of Iran, the capture of government supportive policies by SOEs and para government companies is likely to be very high, and therefore any supportive policy should be formulated according to this policy trap.

This article attempts to compare the Political & Economic Components of political instability in the Islamic Republic's six political life spans from 1979 to 2013 through the seven variables of economic protests, guerrilla Wars, political division, foreign variables, coup, electoral disputes and internal riots. The first comparative finding of the paper is that among the seven variables studied, the guerrilla Wars, economic protests and coup variables had the least impact and the political divisibility variable had the most periodic effect on the occurrence of political instability. The second finding is that the first period had the highest frequency of variables causing political instability and the third period had the least frequency. The third finding of the paper is that the Components of instability have had dynamic and transient nature. As the variables of the guerrilla Wars, the political assassinations and coups that prevailed in the first period have replaced variables like electoral disputes from the fourth period onwards. And reflect the unstable nature of the components of political instability in Iran. Fourth, it shows that the component of political division, unlike other components, has always existed in all periods of political life of governments and reflects the stable nature of the components of political instability in Iran. Finally, by taking an explanatory approach, the article shows to what extent the historical aspects, nature and structure of the government and the actions of political agents have contributed to the stable & unstable nature of the components of political instability in Iran.

Ahmadinejad's rise to power in Iran's political structure was accompanied by a new round of economic policies. Iranian analysts have examined these policies from a variety of perspectives, while some believe that the economic orientation of this period was closely related to economic populism. Based on this, the main question of the preliminary research is that the economic policies of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidential period are relative to the macroeconomics of populism? The present paper attempts, from the perspective of political economy, using Durran Bush and Edwards' macroeconomic popolism (in the form of a populist approach as a political strategy and at the level of economic policy-making) while revising Ahmadinejad's economic policies, an explanation of the relationship between these policies and populist approaches to the economy as well as its consequences for the economy of Iran. The research findings show that Ahmadinejad, on the basis of populist economic policy makers, promised to support his supporters of poverty and inequality and the revival of justice, he worked with oil revenues to implement expansionary economic policies in the first two years of his presidency. Which ultimately led to the spread of liquidity, inflation, and recession, after which, since 2009, due to lower oil revenues, the ninth government turned to stabilizing policies and reduced its subsidies and economic development plans.

One of the Structural feature of the Iranian economy and many Middle East countries, is reliance on oil revenues. The oil revenues have a lot of Economic and social impacts in these countries. The impact of oil revenues is divided into two categories, positive and negative consequences. This article focuses only on the negative effects of oil revenues. This consequences consist of a wide range of outcomes that is not possible to review them all in one article. This article examines three of the negative effects of oil revenues. This research was conducted within the theoretical framework of institutional economics. detailed analysis of information was done with a descriptive-analytic survey. Theoretical arguments is general, but the case study is the Iranian economy. Results show that: 1-Three of the most negative effects of Iran's oil revenues are: destroying the balance of payments ($ 1 billion increase in oil and gas export revenues, increases imports $ 840 million directly), the stagnation of the manufacturing sector and the productivity slowdown(Each percent increase in oil revenues reduces total factor productivity by 0. 24 percent). 2-Some of the most important channels through which the oil revenues affect Iranian economic variables, including; providing extensive import and consumption without dependence on revenues from production, environmental degradation and lack of transparency in decision making and business through opaque choices and finally reduce the competitiveness of domestic production through increased demand and input prices of non-traded sectors.