TAHQIQAT-E TARIKH-E EJTEMAI (SOCIAL HISTORY STUDIES)
Year:2019 | Volume:8 | Issue:2|Papers Count:11

Based on the sociology of order approach, the present paper seeks to deal with the relationship between the militants' promoted role and the establishment of social order. This paper is a case study of the status of the society of the Middle Ages in the fourth century A. H. A historical review of the texts of this era using the sociology of order approach shows that-contrary to the state-centered understanding of the concept of security, the studies of the Middle Ages indicate the centrality of the concept of security in the concept and definition of social order and the mechanisms of its preservation and durability, because the establishment of social order and security faced many problems in the fourth century A. H due to the intensified process of segregation and propagation of various social groups as well as the appearance of various social disorders in the eastern geography of the Islamic society. Under these conditions, the community was getting away from the cognitive standards, the normative system, and a common and universal value reference. Furthermore, the state's mobilization ability, concentration of power and legitimacy declined due to the increased tensions and various social classifications. In these circumstances, the groups close to power began competing and even fighting together in order to establish the external order of the society. This process, which resulted in the collapse of the Samanids and the rise of the Ghaznavids, provided the conditions for the establishment of external order in the society.

The superiority of agriculture to other economic section is the main characteristic of the pre-industrial economy. The major part of domestic production and the main occupation of Iranians have been dependent on the agricultural section during the Qajar period. The commercialization of agriculture in parts of Iranian history during the second half of the Qajar period has led to a growing dependence of Iran's economy on agriculture. Kashan during the Qajar period has been one of the areas where the economic dependence on agriculture has grown increasingly due to the decline of its industrial industries. However, despite the pivotal role of water in agriculture, especially in dry lands such as Iran, the problematization of water history and its link with Iranian history has not been markedly considered by historians and researchers. Therefore, the present study examines the water ownership system in Kashan city during the Qajar era as a " dry, low-water, and dispersed society". Therefore, the question in the present article is that what kind of water resource ownership was dominant In Kashan as a " dry, low-water, and dispersed society" during Qajar period. What has been the role of government in this regard? Therefore, a description of the sources of water supply will be addressed, and then the exploitation method and ownership of water resources will be described further. Finally, the association of the state with the ownership of water resources in this period was evaluated; so that, a general picture of the exploiting water resources and water ownership in Iran, as an agricultural community, low-water and dry land, can be obtained through the sample of Kashan city.

Slave and slavery have been one of the most important social phenomena in Iranian history. Iran Qajar era was a slave society, along with a large number of non-Iranian slaves, some of the men and women and children were mostly rural and tribal Iranians who were taken different ways. The present research seeks to answer the question of why many Iranians were slave in Qajar period? The results of the research show that political instability, the weakness of social security and the economic problems (caused by internal and external causes) were the most important causes of the fall of Iranians into slavery. This research is descriptive-analytic, using historical and archival sources, by the library method and the social history approach.

The chivalry and knighthood conduct (Ayyā ri) have been found in histories of many nations in different forms and types and had high status and important position. This phenomenon has played different roles and functions in the Iranian history in urban and rural communities from the pre-Islamic era to the recent time. During time, this tradition has lost some characteristics and achieved other elements due to social changes. Pursuant to Mongol Invasion (Ilqar) to Iran in 7th AH/13th AD century, political, economic and social institutions lost their previous effectiveness for a while and Iranian Community was exposed to a great challenge for the first time in the Islamic Period. The new sociopolitical conditions prepared new roles and functions for champions (Pahlivā nā n) and knights (Ayyā rā n) in the social and political scenes of this era. The Subject of the current investigation is to analyze the formation and later developments of chivalry and knighthood conducts during the aforesaid period and attempts to answer this question that why and how champions and knights achieved the social and political significance in the society at this period. The quality of the given development has not been examined in the current literutre, thus the present paper intends to review and analyze this issue using descriptive-analytical method and via written sources. Based on historical sources, the current paper tends to prove this point that the aforementioned period is the formative period for developing chivalry conduct.

This research concerns with the causes, reasons and consequences of rural migrations to Tehran in 1960 and 1970 decades, thus this article discusses the roles did play factors such as land reforms and increasing the oil incomes to the issue. This article has showed programs such as lopsided social development, weakening of agricultural economy, ignorance of the peasantry issues, and emphasizing on building and rebuilding the Tehran old parts; have had a key role in migrations to this city. One of the results of the issue, was generating and development of the problem of marginalizing in Tehran city which had many economic, social and cultural consequences. The goal of this research is to studying the social and historical bases of migrations for more future scientific researches regarding the new vast waves of migrations to find solutions for this problem. Regarding this issue various archival sources have been studied and statistic reports have been used. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical one, and Tehran city is the subject of this study. Although there are many researches concerning rural migrations to the cities; but there is not any independent research on special causes of migrations to Tehran in 60 and 70s. Thus the necessity of this project is to studying the backgrounds of formation the metropolis of Tehran and the role did play migrations to this issue, this necessity is for planning to remove the causes and difficulties of vast migrations to this city.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran and the widespread class coalition that led to the fall of the monarchy in Iran, is one of the important events of the last quarter of the twentieth century. The importance of a massive political mobilization in this revolution has caused the attention of social and political scientists to always be addressed. The present study, with the commitment to the network model of Joel Migdal, attempts to explain the political mobilization in the Iranian revolution. Instead of examining the relationship between government and society, this view focuses on the relationship between society and the state and focuses on the impact of the transformations of power networks on government construction. After the Constitutional Revolution, Iran entered the "Absolute State" in the Pahlavi era. The main feature of Pahlavi's divisive state was the accumulation of resources and the concentration of power tools, and this process created a major obstacle to the development of the community's abilities. Thus, the question of the present article is, what is the relationship between the policies of the Pahlavi regime (first and second) with regard to the network of political and political mobilization leading to the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The findings of this paper, using a theoretical model focused on empirical analysis and emphasizing the state-society reflection relationship, indicate that Pahlavi's government has adopted policies against the Iranian network of nations that underlie the transformation of social fabric from the networked society to mass society and then mobilize Different classes in the Islamic Revolution of Iran under Islamist ideology.

Social constructs are new multidimensional abstract concepts which are constructed to explicate (describe, explain) and measure many facts of human life. The studying reality of these concepts in remaining documents of the past involves researchers in the problem of unevenness of hermeneutic horizon of the present time and the time the document was produced. There is no new social construct in the issuance date of the historical documents or they exist but imply meaning other than meaning of modern social concepts. As a result, a researcher of history has to take steps in order to coordinate himself/herself with historical sources in terms of the hermeneutic horizon. First, he/she must define the construct theoretically and analytically so that the research reaches its goals, then, he/she must reduce this definition to some indicators which are common between himself/herself and the document. Sometimes applying this method provides the researcher with such a possibility that he can study the construct in a comparative way, in addition to studying it at a certain time.