Journal of National Studies
Year:2021 | Volume:21 | Issue:4 (84)|Papers Count:9

Identity is a complex and multi-layered issue, especially identity in Iranian society, which is more complex due to historical issues and presence in the important passage of the world. The linguistic dimension, as an important part of Iranian identity, has been considered by legislators in Article 15 of the Constitution. Heterogeneous interpretations of national identity and solidarity from this principle indicate the need for a perfect explanation of this principle. Accordingly, the present article, by adopting the approach of originality (combination of textualism and authorism) and historical sociology, has attempted to explain Article 15 of the Constitution and, through this interpretation, has extracted the appropriate political and executive perceptions. Terms and expressions such as common, official, local and ethnic languages and literature are explained using the chosen approach in this article. The most important analytical point of Article 15 of the Constitution is the originality of the Persian script and language, which both the interpretation of the principle and its implications must be done by observing this point.

Minority is one of the legal terms used in international human rights instruments. But due to disagreements, it has not been defined. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method with the aim of inferring the definition of minority in international documents. The main question is what does the minority mean in international human rights instruments? In answer to this question, the article uses legal hermeneutic theories to enumerate the material and mental elements of the minority in international documents, especially the 1992 Declaration of Minorities. The results suggest that despite the lack of a definition of a minority, the authors of the documents have intelligently emphasized the material and mental elements of the minority. Material elements include: the four customary elements (religion, ethnicity, language, and national origin); little number; not being in power and Individualism. Mental elements include: a sense of difference, a voluntary recognition of minority affiliation, exposed to discrimination, a desire to maintain distinctive characteristics, a collective will, a sense of solidarity, a sense of egalitarian integration, and a sense of loyalty. They also reaffirmed the impact of citizenship and the history of residence on minority rights. The article's innovation is that it uses these elements to deduce the legal definition of a minority in international human rights instruments. The findings also indicate that the provisions of the Iranian constitution include the rights enshrined in international human rights instruments. The condition for enjoying the rights of minorities is to have loyalty to the country, observance of national laws and territorial integrity.

The main purpose of this article is comparative content analysis of Persian textbooks in the elementary school of Iran and Dari textbooks in the elementary school of Afghanistan to determine the position of national identity components in the content of these textbooks. Research method of this article is the combined (quantitative and qualitative) content analysis method with a comparative approach. The statistical samples of the research are six Persian books of the first to sixth grades of elementary school in Iran and six Dari books of the first to sixth grades of elementary school in Afghanistan. SPSS software was used for quantitative content analysis and textbook themes were examined and national identity indicators were determined in statistical sample books for qualitative content analysis. Findings of research show that first of all, attention to the components of national identity in Iranian elementary school Persian textbooks and Afghan elementary school Dari textbooks is less than 50% and second, the frequency of identity components in elementary school Persian books in Iran is higher than in Dari elementary school books in Afghanistan.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the amount of attention to the Components of Culture of isar (sacrifice) and martyrdom in secondary school textbooks. The research method is descriptive and the type of content analysis. The statistical population of this study is all secondary school books that published in 2020. Sixteen volumes were intentionally collected in the sample. Findings showed that the frequency of sacrifice and martyrdom components in humanities textbooks was 706 and in common textbooks of experimental and mathematical disciplines are 617. The result of the chi-square test showed significance of that difference. In general, the research findings indicate that in the secondary school textbooks, balanced attention has not been paid to the conceptual components of sacrifice and martyrdom.

The present study aimed to investigate the belief and ritual system among Qashqai people with emphasis on the "Stove and Fire" principle. The idea (hypothesis) considers that the belief and ritual system among clans of Iran, especially conglomeration of clans and tribal communities provide some important tool to recognize their values and beliefs, mentality, identity, roles, and social status, based on their lifestyle. There is a meaningful and continuous relationship between the Qashqai people and the totality of Iranian identity. Many of these beliefs and rituals have played an essential role in social functions as well as identical and political functions. Therefore, the current study seeks to answer this question that what are the socio-political functions of the "Stove and Fire" principle, as a belief and semantic system, among Qashqai nomads.

The Republic of Azerbaijan, due to its historical ties with the land of Iran and also being in a geopolitically and strategically important location that affects the regional role of the Islamic Republic of Iran, is an important political area from the perspective of national and territorial interests of this country. It is considered. The aim of this study is to investigate the role of the Republic of Azerbaijan in creating ethnic challenges in Azarbaijan, Iran, and tries to take steps to increase national solidarity by providing desirable solutions. The main question of the research is how the Republic of Azerbaijan creates ethnic challenges in Azarbaijan, Iran? In this regard, the research hypothesis is: The Republic of Azerbaijan, using cultural, linguistic and historical backgrounds with Azarbaijan of Iran, takes provocative actions and creates ethnic challenges in Iran. The research method is a combination of qualitative and quantitative through data collection in a library method with Taking notes tools and field method with in-depth interview tools. The data analysis method was done in the form of data description and quantitative content analysis after accessing all the results obtained from library sources and in-depth interviews. The most important findings of the research indicate that the Republic of Azerbaijan, according to 31% of the interviewees, uses provocative linguistic and historical links to provocative actions and create ethnic challenges in Azarbaijan, Iran.

Ethnics in Iran, both before and after the formation of the nation state, have always been the focus of intellectuals, elites and ruling political systems. Before the establishment of the nation state in Iran, the ethnics were mostly considered by intellectuals, mainly in order to reconstruct Iranian nationalism, and often in books, newspapers and poems. In the first and second Pahlavi's periods, it was mainly archaic nationalism that gave existence and meaning to the ethnics and considered them as a threat to the extended identity system. But after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, we are faced to a kind of transformation in the discourse regarding ethnic groups. This different discourse, in the early years after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, clearly shows itself in the sphere of Imam Khomeini's discourse. This article, Basing on Imam Khomeini's discourse, examines the principles of ethnic policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The structural approach was used as a theoretical framework for realizing this goal. The speeches of the Imam in the Sahifa of Imam were used as data. The master signifier of the discourse governing ethnic politics in Imam Khomeini's thought has been unity. Issues such as equality, brotherhood, denial of division, conflict and denial of ethnocentrism can also be mentioned as floating signifiers.

The present article has been done with the aim of studying the sociology of emerging cultural currents and in order to answer these questions, what are the nature and functions of the teachings of Halqeh mysticism in general and, consequently, what are the socio-political harms to Iran? In this research, data and information have been collected using documentary and field methods (interview technique). The aim of this study consists of two groups: 1-The promoters and members of the Halqeh mysticism in Iran and 2-Experts and specialists in the field of study. The sample size was selected using theoretical saturation method and 30 people from each group were interviewed. The sampling method was non-probabilistic (targeted sampling and snowball). The collected data were analyzed using quantitative-qualitative content analysis method. The findings indicate that the damage caused by the promotion of the teachings of the Halqeh in the social field includes the change of culture, challenging the national identity, accusing the system of imposing restrictions, promoting a policy of extreme tolerance and. . . and damages in the political arena also include launching a soft war, infiltrating the government, weakening and doubting the foundations of national security, sectarian assassination, anti-regime propaganda, and so on.