JOURNAL OF DEFENSE POLICY
Year:2020 | Volume:28 | Issue:111|Papers Count:11

The social life in every country is based on the sustained performance of their critical and sensitive infrastructures. It is for this very reason that hostile countries try to prevent this function from working in the target countries. Today, the development of information technology in cyberspace has caused some important parts of the way critical and sensitive infrastructures of the country function to come to rely on such space. Due to such dependence, the security of the infrastructures has been tied to the cyberspace. As far as the present research is concerned, it seeks to address the security defense indicators of the cyberspace of the critical and sensitive infrastructure across the country by considering the passive defense approaches, for in case the topic of this research is not attended to, the critical and sensitive infrastructure of the country will be highly likely exposed to cyber attacks. It should not be forgotten that according to ‘ Clausewitz’ , “ Every age has its own kind of war, its own limiting conditions” . By the same token, in the age of information, our country is in need of establishing the security-defense indicators of its own cyberspace that is replete with threats against which the resilience of the infrastructures can be enhanced by studying the present research. As such, these indicators have been constructed in three areas: human power, processes and technology using analytical-descriptive method via survey method and making maximum use of elites’ views. A statistical sample of 50 individuals has been selected for this research. The method of sampling was purposeful non-random sampling where the researcher has had direct reference to particular persons in a purposeful manner. The finding of the research indicates that each passive defense approach in the above-mentioned areas in relation with the security-defense indicators of the cyberspace of IRI’ s critical and sensitive infrastructures includes the following: human resources: “ instructing, informing and using local forces” with average agreement of 88%; processes: “ constructing the defense-security policy protocol, limiting the scope of performance, and mutual dependence” with average agreement of 45%; and technology: “ using intranet, localizing software and hardware, operating malware identification laboratories, encrypting data and using Firewall, and Honeypot and Intrusion Detection and Prevention System” , with average agreement of 98%.

The theorists of the regional security complex belive that this complex is always conflict-prone based on a pattern of enemity relations due to three components: its being a conflict hotspot, its securitization of issues, and its special regional security context. It is for this reason that we have been winessing a pattern of enemity relations in deferent periods of time. After the 11 September attacks, when the terrorist groups were formed in the West Asia region, there occured a change in the pattern of enmity relations. The present article aims at generating a proper unserstanding of the effect of terrorism in changing the pattern of enmity relations in the security complex of West Asia. How has terrorosm managed to change the pattern of enmity relations in the West Asia? The method being used in this research is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library and internet as well. One of the most important findings of the present research is that although the military-type pattern of enmity relations has been extracted from terrorism, the phenomenon of terrorism has been made by the hands of foreign powers outside the region such as the United States and inside the region such as Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime for balancing policy in the face of the Islamic Republic of Iran. As long as the countries of the region operate on the basis of the realsim paradigm and the Security Dilemma, they will not be able to resort to regional alliance in order to eliminate in the face of a few phenomena like terrorism. It follows that in order that a pattern of amity relations be formed, we are in need of the formation of regional alliances and elimination of religious and ideological differences.

This research provides a conceptual explanation of the role played by the institutional capacity as well as an evaluative model of institution-focused resilience by studying miscellaneous views on theories on institutionalism and resilience. Then, using quantitative methods and questionnaires, this evaluative model was initially evaluated and measured on the probable earthquake in the metropolis of Tehran using analytical-descriptive methods. The results of survey studies resulted from this model showed that the 1th district of the metropolitan Tehran is far from an optimal condition in terms of an institution-focused evaluative approach to resiliency. It also shows that the rule of law index is in a better state compared with other indexes, and that the institutions have had better functioning for the former to become procedural. On the other hand, it further shows that the relationship between people and the organizations is in an undesirable state, having a great effect on the metropolitan Tehran system's unresilience against crises in terms of institutional capacity.

Arabia's military purchases in the recent decade have invariably been one of the most controversial debates in regional and security studies. This article seeks to explore the reasons as well as consequences of militarism in Arabia. It also poses these questions: "What are the most important reasons for Arabia's militarism in (2011-2019)? " and "What consequences has it had on this country's political economy? ". Using analytical-descriptive method and with the approach of political economy of militarism, the present article holds that the reasons and consequences of Arabia's militarism at this period of time has been severely under the influence of regional and domestic parameters, and had consequences for both these domains. The findings of the research show that establishing a defense shield against regional and transregional powers, countering Iran's increasing power after JCPOA, and finally playing a role in the regional equations have contributed to the reasons for countering domestic unrests This militarism has had some consequences both internally and regionally. At the internal level, one can refer to the increases in social disorders and problems, economic problems, and the military presence in the political regime's system. At the regional level, it has also had consequences including the strengthened security dilemma, expanded arms race, undermined regional trade cooperation, and finally enhanced convergence in the region.

Following the developments taking place in the architecture of the international system, as well as the phenomenon of globalization and the change in the nature of the threats and the threatening actors, the mutual security dependence between the state actors has been mounting. Although the mutual security dependence is perceived in different levels and regions, it becomes more conspicious in relation to the neighbouring geographical polities that integrate with each other to form regional security complexes. An overview of the security complexes in different areas indicates that this has not been realized in a few areas, despite the capacities and backgrounds for the formation of security communities and the perceived need for the formation of this type of communities. The security complex of the North-East of Asia as a strategic subsystem in the East Asia region is undergoing such conditions. Using the components of the theory of security complex, this writing tries to answer this question: Why has the pluralist security community in the North East region not been yet formed? To answer this question, the hypothesis in this research is based on this fact that the spiritual component (the pattern of friendship and enmity, culture) and the material component (the regional competitions between the two original actors), territorial disputes and the proximity, economy) as regional variables as well as the United States’ involvement in the security equations of the region as a trans-regional variable both constitute the most important reasons for the fact that a joint security regime has not been formed in the region. The president search has been written based on analytical-descriptive method using library resources.

The fast-moving developments in the West region of Asia and its direct impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran constitutes one of the most principal issues of policy making and statesmanship for the Islamic Republic. The United States’ presence as the centre of these fast-going developments as well as its activities in Iraq led to the rise of security concerns in Iran. Since the United States’ public diplomacy in Iraq as the driver of America’ s activities in the post-occupation Iraq, especially in the recent years, this writing seeks to analyze the effects of the public diplomacy activities carried out by the United States on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, various data were collected and analyzed in three areas, namly interview, field presence and documentary content analysis, through a deep and focused concentration. Finally, the effects of the obtained axial data on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran were assessed.