FOREIGN RELATIONS
Year:2018 | Volume:10 | Issue:2 (38)|Papers Count:8

This article is part of the doctoral dissertation entitled "The Barriers to the Production of Theory of International Relations in Iran: The View of Academic Elites". In an attempt to understand the reasons for not producing the native theory of international relations in Iran, we examined the issue from the perspective of the university elite. The present study, which was based on a Grounded theory approach and with a deep interview, yielded barriers and codes that were introduced in the final study entitled Sociological Refusal of the Production of native IR theories. The findings of this qualitative research were studied quantitatively by the method described below. The frequency and percentage of qualitative code obtained in the interviews as the raw data of the first-hand were based on this comparison. In order to elaborate the obtained theory, the sociological requirements of science production were extracted through a study of relevant library sources. The result of this study were nine criteria that met the findings of the present study. Comparison of research findings with the required requirements indicates the lack of social contexts necessary for native theorizing and the theory of qualitative research was strengthened in the light of quantitative research and comparison. That is, the reason for not producing the native theory of international relations in Iran is "sociological refusal of science production. "

OPEC’ s justification primarily was strengthening and improving the determining power OF its member. Nevertheless, the organization faced some challenges that marginalized its role in energy market and consequently the success to fulfill member’ s interests. One of the challenges that OPEC had during her existence, is the great powers policy certainly countries which aren’ t inside the organization. The United States is one of the powers whose hegemonic approach to its oil and gas resources has threatened and limited OPEC's efforts to achieve its goals. The main question of the research is how has US energy policies influenced the position of OPEC in the energy market? to answer this question the hypothesis: The United States's hegemonic approach to its energy capacities, has created Decreasing OPEC's position and role in the global energy market. This hypothesis is going to be considered based on power transition theory in the views of Robert Gilpin and Kindleberger.

Aimed to study the nature of the foreign policy of Turkey in the Middle East, by the use of goal analysis and trend analysis this paper has studied the actions and objectives of Turkish foreign policy since 2003. What has been achieved in the studies shows that, contrary to what has been mentioned in other sources, Turkish foreign policy is currently multi-dimensional in nature. In a way that some of Turkey's actions and objectives reflect the conservative nature of the country’ s foreign policy, and others reflect the ideological and revisionist nature of its foreign policy. Turkey, in line with its conservative foreign policy, is content with arrangements that have been made gradually over a long period of time and seek to preserve them. this country, In line with the revisionist foreign policy, it is dissatisfied with the current status quo. And seek to change it and create a desirable order. Turkey, in line with its ideological foreign policy, is also seeking to change the norms of the order in the region, and dominate on the region and ideological excellence.

This article clarifies how the Global Political Economy has shaped the foreign policy of India in the age of globalization. The hypothesis is that six drivers of Global Political Economy and three dynamisms coupled with mutual interactions amongst Politics, Economics, Culture and Security shapes foreign policy of states. The author embarks on a new effort to develop an analytical model that describes the notion of Political Economy of Foreign Policy and its dynamics in India. To conclude, the author developes a model to verify trajectory of continuity and change in India's foreign policy, indicating shifts form Non-alignment, to Multi-alignment, and, further to the Modi's policy of "Alliance with the United States and the West". He is of the view that prospects of India's re-orientation to Multi-alignement would be subject to further studies.

The emergence of the Islamic State (ISIS) in the Middle East, the beginning of the civil war in Syria and Iraq, and the continuation of conflicts in Afghanistan have exacerbated the trend of the immigration crisis in Europe. The nature of the crisis has shifted from the focus of economic and social issues to the issue of identity and, consequently, security. Accordingly, in the field of domestic politics, radical right parties have begun a growing trend and have been able to attract the attention of many voters through opposition to immigration and the threat of identity threats. The current study seeks to examine the impact of the immigration crisis on the power of radical right-wing parties in Western Europe, and in the case of the French National Front party in the years 2008-2017. Qualitative content analysis method has been used in this research. The research findings show that in the years under study, the immigration crisis coupled with the economic crisis in Europe and the disappointments of the European Union have provided the opportunity for the growth and development of radical right-wing parties. The French National Front Party, as one of the most powerful radical right parties in Western Europe, has been able to achieve significant success in the electoral field by securing immigration, becoming one of the most influential parties on the French political scene.

The Islamic Republic of Iran as a state based on political Islam, presented the unification of Muslims as its goal. The nature of this state and the unification goal require cooperation with Islamist groups as prioritized policy. In spite of this fact, the respective cooperation faces challenges in the real scene of international relations. The main question of this research is to understand the grounds and obstacles towards this cooperation. The case studies are Egypt’ s Muslim Brotherhood and Turkey’ s AKP. The importance of this research is deepening theory and practice in policy area of relation with Islamist groups. The main question is that what are the identity-oriented grounds and obstacles towards Islamic Republic of Iran’ s cooperation with Egypt’ s Muslim Brotherhood and Turkey’ s AKP? To answer this question constructivism theory has been choose as the theoretical framework of this research and the grounds and obstacles towards the cooperation between the IRI and the two other actors have been studied at agent level focusing on the concept of identity. The data gathering method is secondary study and the data gathered are analyzed based on comparative method. According to findings, the grounds of cooperation of Islamic Republic of Iran with Muslim Brotherhood at agent level based on commons in type and role identity including Islamism, protecting oppressed people and Muslims and countering Mostakbering and foreigners, in the other hand obstacles are the lack of common collective identity. In the case of IRI’ s cooperation with AKP, obstacles are more than grounds and inconsistency in the role identities of the two actors – regional superiority for Iran and center state for AKP-and collective identities of the actors – resistance for Iran and Ottomanism for AKP-overcome the consistency in the democracy as a type identity for IRI and corporate identity for AKP.

Over past four decades, Islamic Republic of Iran has been subjected to various pressures to full compliance with the norms of universal human rights. The research problem in this article is study based on Neo-Gramscianism from capitalist origin of human rights pressures on Islamic Republic of Iran and transformation of the means of pressure on the country. The results show that human rights play a role of intellectual and moral leadership in global capitalism. In this way, with continuity of capitalist relations after the Islamic Revolution in Iran, relative independence of the political, cultural and legal superstructure allows it to oppose and disregard the global human rights regime. With developments in global capitalist system, the pressures on Iran have taken an economic form and capitalist hegemony with two means of force (impose and implementation of effective sanctions by governments and global and regional organizations) and satisfaction (supportive network measures to increase business risk, bargaining with companies to abandon business, and establish a variety of mechanisms for Human Rights Impact Assessment on international economic cooperation with Iran) persuade the country to abide by global human rights.

Saudi Vision 2030 due to vast reformations and enjoying fundamental and deconstructing programs is viewed as a revolution. However, it is a onedimensional plan based on economic development and there is less attention to political development. With regard to that, the main question of the research is that why has not political development received appropriate attention in the Saudi reformation program? And how accomplishment of economic development plan can be explained in non-democratic and authoritarian political system of Saudi Arabia? Research findings reveal that due to fundamental threats of political reforms, Saudi leaders have dominantly focused on economic aspects of development and attempted to do tiny reforms in political sphere. Since enjoying a democratic government is not precondition for achieving economic development, Saudi Arabia will able to pursue its economic plans in the framework of authoritarian political system whiteout pay attention to political development. Research method is analytical-explanatory and it uses Leftwich developmental state theory.