RESEARCH LETTER OF POLITICAL SCIENSE
Year:2020 | Volume:15 | Issue:1 (57)|Papers Count:7

The rise of the Seljuks and their persistence, especially in the Alps Arsalan and Malekshah, was effort by well-educated politicians such as Nizam al-Mulk al-Tusi and theologians such as Imam Mohammed al-Ghazali who first wrote the systemic and managerial section And second, the ideological section and discussions of government policy, and justice in Nasihat al-Muluk. This article seeks to answer the question of what was al-Ghazali's intention to write the Nasihat of al-Muluk. The findings show that the Seljuks, due to their lack of Muslim and kingdom history, proceeded in two ways that would not have been possible without the help of mirror writers: the emphasis on exemplifying the Iranian monarchy and insisting on the good faith of both Muslims. And it disrupts power against the Abbasid caliphate for the sake of the monarchy, and so al-Ghazali's transition from religious idealism to political realism becomes apparent. Ghazali not only attributes the power of the institution of monarchy to God, but also considers the existence of this fact to be necessary for the implementation of the law. In fact, the Shari'a superstructure was Appearance, and the Iranian base underlying the bureaucracy and monarchy. This article aims to elaborate on Nasihat al-Muluk from the decisive aspect of Iranian politics with the help of the structurlism method and the theoretical framework of the " Ideological State Apparatuses ".

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation is the second largest intergovernmental organization after United Nation in terms of membership and is mantle of collective voice of the Muslim world. The OIS is supposed to safeguard and protect the interests of the Muslim world in the spirit of promoting international peace and harmony. This article mainly focuses on the role of OIC in ongoing conflict in Yemen. Nowadays, the Houthis play an outstanding role in the Yemeni political and regional equations. Since the start of Saudi-led airstrikes, Muslim countries have been asking OIC to intervene as mediator for bringing peace and normalcy in Yemen. It is a historic opportunity for OIC for de-stigmatizing itself of being a moribund organization. The article examines the heavy shadow of Saudi Arabia`s intentions on the positions of the Organization of Security Cooperation to counter Iran's influence in Yemen (2015-2019) How can we assess the policies and the positions of OIC on this very important case? If is the OIC manipulated or affected by the policies of Saudi Arabia? The context analysis is opted as methodology and due to its up-to-date and rich documented literature; it enjoys a distinct label in comparison of previous and old works.

Once the Islamic Revolution won in 1978, the founders of the new system paid special attention to the arena of culture because culture as a symbolic power arena had to be renewed in such a way that it could reflect new circumstances. The Islamist revolutionary forces set a new interpretation from Islam as a basis for establishing new cultural situation given the dominant ideological environment, the inclusion of which was formed by some high-profile culture with a religious theme against the cultural elements of the former regime. The Islamic Revolution occurrence, Iran-Iraq war and ruling climate over lives of Iranians, each of which intensifies perpetuation and strength of certain forms of culture. With the end of war, early revolution cultural strict policies underwent changes and ground for forms of popular culture with conventional themes found entry into political conflicts about culture. Therefore, the present paper by applying quantitative methodology and library-based research as well as citations seeks to explore response to this question that: what relationship have cultural policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a variable affected by political conflicts practically had with music as one of the main representations of popular culture? .

In studying the historical occasion of Iranian identity with Western other, to examine the first encounter of Iranian legislators with Western modernity took advantage of Lacan's mirror theory and the text of the negotiations was read in the National Assembly. The main question of the article was " How the faced of the first Iranian legislators on the occasion of Absolute monarchy other and Western Other is reflected in the text of the negotiations of the first constitutional parliament. " The article was based on the hypothesis that the first Iranian legislators succeeded in symbolization between Western Other. The constitution of this period was finally able to create an important combination between sharia and Customary law, and to place Western law at the heart of sharia law. Iranian legislators have been able to redefine their identity on the finite self of law against the infinite self of the monarchy. The first National Assembly was mainly aimed at inside and reconstructing the tradition, and there is no sign of Westernization in the discussion of its initial discussions. This research is organized by the method of historical psychoanalysis.

The purpose of this research is the political-legal pathology of the laws related to sports and physical education in the national consultative assembly in the second Pahlavi era based on the theories of the State of Law and good legislation In the modern world, community-based sports, elite-based sports, the development of sports as an industry, and the development of sports as a means of public education are four approaches in the Mulll et al. this model at four levels: educational, public and recreational, championship and professional Are classified. Therefore, this research with a critical qualitative approach examine the principle of Legislative formalities from the principles of good legislation, while analyzing the trend and orientation of legislative policies from the second Pahlavi era with emphasis on the main components of sports development in the modern world. The results showed that all sports laws adopted in the second Pahlavi era are bill-oriented, which, despite compliance with the Good Legislation (Legislative formalities (, is probably due to the challenge of separation of powers and indicates the absolute rule of the second Pahlavi in Legislative system. In addition, most of the legislative policies on the subject of sports are about the development of educational, public and recreational and championship sports, and little attention is paid to the development professional sports. This imbalance in the legislative policies of the sport has led to the backwardness of the Iranian sports industry.

The aim of this paper is to identify the dimensions of the potential of ethnic violence and related social factors in West Azerbaijan province. In the present study, the theories of menza and Bruks, Wimmer, Fredrik Barth, and Akulaef have been used. This descriptive study was a descriptive survey that was carried out by cluster sampling and a researcher-made questionnaire on 384 citizens of West Azarbaijan province In order to test the research hypotheses, Pearson correlation coefficient, Anova, multiple regression analysis were used. Reliability of the questionnaire based on Cronbach's alpha (ethnic violence 0. 86, , ethnic cleavage 0. 81, ethnic intercultural communication weakness 0. 89, collective memory 0. 82, ethnic voting pattern 0. 80, representation Violence in the media (0. 76) and construct validity and factor analysis technique were used for validity. Analysis of the data of this survey showed that there is a direct and significant relationship between the weakness of ethnic intercultural communication, ethnic cleavage, collective memory, ethnic voting pattern and representation of violence in the media with the potential of ethnic violence. The fact that 43% of the potential variance in ethnic violence is realistically adjusted is explained and predicted by independent variables. The results of the analysis show that ethnic violence has two dimensions of social and political potential. Increasing ethnic cleavage, weakness of ethnic intercultural communication, ethnic voting, collective memory and representing violence in the media and social networks increase the potential for ethnic violence in West Azerbaijan Province.