RESEARCH LETTER OF POLITICAL SCIENSE
Year:2019 | Volume:14 | Issue:4 (56)|Papers Count:7

Political participation is a feature and characteristic of civil society. Today, political participation in the form of electoral participation, which is the most important indicator of the political development of nations, has become inevitable. Social networks are one of the most important tools for conveying political concepts and participation, and all political systems in this article are a case study of Iran and Russia are trying to take it and have full control over it and transfer their opinions to the people through using them. Given the growing importance of virtual social networks in the political and social developments of societies, the question of the present study is: what role virtual social networks (in this study, Facebook, Twitter and Telegram) play in deepening political participation of and shaping political behavior of people in Iran and Russia? In answer to this question, it is hypothesized that social networks have played an accelerating role in deepening political participation by facilitating and accelerating communication between society and political elites, so that social networks provide this opportunity to the Iranians and Russians to gain up-to-date information on policies and circumvent government restrictions. Accordingly, the authors of the article, using the views of Verba and Putnam, and in a qualitative way, will try to explain the effect of people's membership in social networks on the level of political participation of Iranian and Russian citizens.

Sanctions have been imposed on the country with the aim of limiting Iran's oil revenues and, consequently, directly affecting economic growth. Due to the importance of the impact of sanctions on Iran's economic growth, predicting the effects of this important on the country's GDP, which is considered a fundamental factor in economic growth, is very important and has formed the main goal of the present study. In order to achieve the main goal of the research, a model has been developed to predict the impact of sanctions on the country's GDP with using system dynamics approach. In this regard, it should be noted that in the presented model is considered the relationship between data related to exports and imports, the supply of crude oil and its derivatives, as well as the country's GDP. It should be noted that selected period in the present study included a time period of 30 years, which began in 1996 and will continue until 2027. Modeling has been carried out with using the Vensim DSS software, and the results of the study suggest that if the government can in any way in the time period (2020-2027) reduce the intensity of sanctions about 20% or increase oil supply about 30%, respectively, GDP will grow about 8. 71% and 18. 46%.

This article seeks to show how the viewpoint of German politics in contemporary Iranian intellectual controversies, in particular the intellectual system of Javad Tabatabai, provides a perspective for Iran's problematic explanation, or in other words, the crisis of Iranian identity using theoretical and conceptual tools. Accordingly, the paper seeks to answer the question of how the knowledge of German politics has been used in Tabatabai's theoretical model to think of what he calls "Iranian problematic". The present paper argues that the knowledge of German politics from Hegel to Schmit was based on an idea of identity crisis based on the construction of a national state and at the same time providing a solution to the crisis. Based on such an approach, Javad Tabatabai, with a generalization of the 19th and 20th century German experience to present-day Iran, views the crisis of Iranian identity as a failure to understand Iran and the inadequacy of intellectual ideologies in this regard and to resolve this crisis at the expense of national –stable state. In Tabatabai's philosophy of politics, Iran's problematics is explained by German thought in the form of two main propositions of the Iranian city and the necessity of establishing a national university. On this basis, we will first briefly discuss how German thought faded and then referred to the nature of such influence. methodological point of view, the present paper has been complied Skinner's hermeneutical conceptual possibilities with a critical and normative approach.

This paper tries to understand how Iranian Twitter users framed political values during Iran’ s 2017 presidential election. Based on social construction theory and networked framing concept, we argue that Iranian Twitter users as networked publics are constructing reality and making their lived-experiences meaningful by networked framing of 2017 election in a connective action. In order to investigate this argument, we combined social network analysis, ethnographic content analysis and social media critical discourse study approach. First, we collected 2596284 tweets during the election period. Then, we focused on retweet (RT) network as the information diffusion network, and discovered networked publics by applying cluster analysis on this corpus. Afterwards, we identified 50 top influential users in each cluster based on their PageRanks. Finally, we collected all tweets of these users in the whole network and analyzed them. We used 3 coders to code the selected sample of 10416 tweets in 3 rounds. Results showed that three networked publics were formed in RT network: Reformists, Conservatives and Diaspora. Furthermore, findings showed that ‘ undesirability of political deception’ and ‘ undesirability of corruption’ are the most frequent networked frames in Persian Twitter. We, in addition, analyzed all networked frames based on networked publics and users’ types.

Policy writing has been the most important art of writing and political thinking throughout the history of Iranian civilization. This art has provided the basis for writing important texts in different periods of rule of different rulers. Their goal was to establish, establish, and sustain the government within the framework of the specific epistemological foundations of the author of the policy in its own historical context, as well as how the policy writer perceives the situation of his time. But the most important discussion about writing policy letters is the impact of these works and texts on political power. This influence, in various forms, has left its role and function on the evolutionary trends in Iranian policy writing during the Islamic period. With this in mind, the present article attempts to answer the question of what effect did political power have on the evolution of Iranian political writing from the fifth century onwards until the end of the Safavieh Empire's rule? The answer is yes. The results of writing the article also show that political power is not only the bedrock of writing policy-making, but outside the circle of political power of the period under study, it is basically impossible to trace politics. Therefore, politics is within the framework of the ruling political power in this period.

The purpose of this research is finding the elements that lead to the protests in Iran on January 2016. Our assumption is that the main reasons of these protests include mis-recognize the protesters and humiliation experience. To achieve the research goal and verify the assumption, we interviewed the protesters to identify the basic themes using the theory analysis method. Using this method we were able to identify 40 themes that are categorized in 3 groups including the features, motivations and consequences of the protests. The motivations are the main focus of this research that fall into two groups, fundamental motivations or periodic motivations. Periodic motivations are connected to the historical backgrounds even before the protests and the fundamental motivations are related to long lasting structural character of social systems. Fundamental motivations are divided into vital and cultural forms. Vital motivations including economicall, sexual need or environmental motivations. Cultural motivations including discrimination and humiliation, deductive deprivation, morality, ideological, satisfaction or disappointment. By measuring the frequency percentage of all the motivations we concluded that the fundamental cultural motivations, specifically discrimination and humiliation, are playing the main role in formation of the 2016 protests that supports our initial assumption that was derived mainly from Axel Honneth works but we added two more elements to his theory. We believe meeting vital needs and developing social hope are necessary to reach a justice society in Iran and preventing such grievances.