JOSTARHA-YE TARIKHI (FARHANG) (HISTORICAL STUDIES)
Year:2010 | Volume:1 | Issue:1|Papers Count:8

The Qarakhtayid rule on Kerman which took shape in coincidence with Mongol’s capture of Iran experienced its zenith under an eminent female figure of the dynasty, i.e. Turkan Khatun. A look at the history of Kerman during her rule shows that the region experienced a noticeable economic-cultural efflorescence and enjoyed a situation of security. If we would be allowed to consider security as a crucial precondition for economic and cultural growth, we might then find a valid evidence for a situation of social/political security in Kerman’s economic-cultural efflorescence during this time. The present paper purported to explain the causes of this social/political security and its relevance to the region’s economic/cultural growth within that time. It assumed a prominent role for Turkan Khatun and her political insight in this economic/cultural growth of Kerman.

The constitutional revolution of Iran, at least in theory, prepared the conditions for people’s presence in bureaucratic affairs, and bureaucratic reform was central to the new devised constitutional law and its supplement. But unfortunately, in spite of some superficial changes, the intended purpose wasn’t accomplished sufficiently. The main obstacle to these reforms was an undisputed dominance of traditional autocratic addicts and its persistent opposition with any serious reform. Therefore, different forms of false addicts like blind submission to the despot, illegal procedures, flattery, etc., survived the new regime. Hence, we might ask that to what extent the manifested demands, ideas and practical behavior of pioneer constitutionalists-including their attempts to establish a lawful government- affected the bureaucracy and its management.  The present paper aims to give an adequate answer to this question. Its method is based upon an analytical survey of the mutual interaction between "act" and "structure" in the course of social developments and it intends to further develop this survey within systemic approach.

Arab conquest of Iran had conspicuous effects on Iranian identity and in some cases changed it radically. As a matter of fact, following this event some constitutive elements of Iranian identity such as "homeland/geography", "Persian state", and even more important one, i.e. "religion" -a crucial element of ancient Persian identity- suffered fundamental changes. Iranian confrontation with this identity crisis crystallized in different forms which might classify to three general categories: pro-Iranians, pro-Islamic Iranians, and Islamic-Iranians. In this paper we will enumerate the "pro-Islamic" group’s main characteristics and then, we will give an analytical survey of Abu Rayhan’s ideas about "identity" and will examine his "Islamic identity" according to his works.

The present paper purported to carry on a comparative survey of Jamal al-Din Asad Abadi and Hasan Hanafi’s ideas about the west within a theoretical-epistemological approach. Jamal al-Din is known as the founder of a modern religious trend in Islamic thought known as "modern religious thinking". This modern trend by its turn gave birth to another religious current under the title of "New-Mu’tazilism" which established by Amin Khawli. Hasan Hanafi whose ideas about west will be examined in next pages, now is a distinguished figure of this modern intellectual current. Central to this study is a comparative survey of Jamal al-Din and Hanafi’s ideas about west and aims to give an explanation of the similarities and disparities of their attitudes to the west according to a theoretical-epistemological approach. The results show that Jamal al-Din’s attitude is a rather utilitarian one and he is agreed with Muslims’ use of western technology. Moreover, he is a staunch critic of modern European schools of thought such as Nationalism, Socialism and Secularism, though he defends democracy. But Hanafi is a proponent of the western schools mentioned above except secularism. Nevertheless, he also justifies Jamal al-Din in his attitude toward western technology, but in his idea all aspects of western civilization must be criticized in comparison to Islamic ones.

Qajar Historians were among the first generations of Iranian people who in 19th century faced the west as an unknown and vague entity. It was difficult and probably impossible for them to grasp a sound understanding of Europe and western civilization in that time. They ought to draw a right depiction not only of the economic, militaristic and intellectual products of the west, but also of the other face of this civilization, i.e. its colonizing plans. But unfortunately, they weren’t successful to give a thorough and complete picture of the west. Their approaches to introduce Europe (Farang in their words) were in most cases incomprehensive and inadequate, a natural consequence of their sketchy and vague familiarity with it. The present paper aims to examine these Qajar historians’ approaches to Europe, western civilization and its multifarious aspects.

In 1820/1235, the British Raj of India found the misfortune defeats of Iran in Russo-Persian conflict on Caucasus an excellent opportunity to exalt its position in Persian Gulf and raise the piracy problem as a reasonable pretext, therefore it came to a treaty with some Arab Shaykhs of southern coasts of Persian Gulf which was named "General Treaty of Peace". In contrast to their commitments in former treaties with Iran, here they entered the Shaykh of Bahrayn to these negotiations too. Iran’s protest to this action through Hossain 'Ali Mirza, Governor of Shiraz, resulted in a new treaty (1822/1237) between him and Brus, the resident consul of Britain in Bushehr in this time. According this new treaty -which is central to our present survey- Britain recognized Iran’s territorial right over Bahrayn. But British Raj of India denied her commitments according to this treaty and labeled it as unfounded. Nevertheless, throughout 19th and 20th centuries this treaty was a firm evident for Iran in his territorial claims on Bahrayn. The present paper aims to explain if this treaty was a political gaffe of the English consul or a provisional devise to dispose of that situation.

Consolidation of Saljuqid rule on Iran in 12th/6th century prepared a new situation for urban life which gradually conduced to arrange social affiliations based upon religious confessions. For example, Ash'ari's prevalence in expense of Mu'tazelis which in this time represented the most remarkable intellectual trend in Islamic world inevitably resulted in growth of religious dogmatism, sectarian dissent and social/religious strife. Moreover, this sectarian milieu paved way for a kind of urban localism in accordance with fractional beliefs. This new situation affected Rayy -a distinguished urban center of medieval Iran- too and here it leaded to a more critical situation which in some cases had mortal consequences. This constant and frustrating current of social/sectarian strife by its turn weakened the urban society of Rayy on the eve of Mongol invasion and was an important cause of the city’s prompt conquest by Mongols. So, we might considerate this state of sectarian dissent and its social consequences as a sufficient evident to understand the debilitating situation of urban life in Iran just before Mongol invasion.