STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY
Year:2017 | Volume:20 | Issue:2 (76) |Papers Count:10

Considering the Israel’ s economic relationship with its neighboring peripheral countries, the author of this paper argues that this relationship is coverage and indeed the Israeli regimes seeks for normalization of diplomatic relationship and so to develop a security relationship. According to her findings in this paper, the Israeli regional economic relationship is based on three types of models as follows: a durable economic relationship with the aim of increase of tension; low-return relationship with the aim of influence in the strategic regions and diplomatic influence to normalize and develop the security relationship. In order to illustrate these models, Israel’ s economic relationship with Jordan, Egypt, Turkey, Kurdistan of Iraq and some other Arab countries have been analyzed.

The main aim of this paper is to analyze the role and function of the UN General Assembly in the fight against violence and extremism and to show that it argues that this UN body does not follow a specific precedent in its efforts to fight violence and extremism and depending on the international circumstances its actions differ, however, in comparison with other UN organs, it has been trying to prevent and also to fight these problems and overall, this function has been conducted in a successful manner.

Conceptualization and the prism of the relationship between security and development have a great role in foreign policy making and its achievements or failures. The paper argues that with the security agenda development and superiority of the positive security approach rather than negative approach, security and development has got a total positive sum and lack of one can pose a risk to the other. Therefore, foreign policy distance from a security basis on one hand, and to develop it on the basis of the two on the other hand is undeniable.

The paper intends to discuss about the property right security in Iran during 1925 – 2011 and its implications in terms of Iran’ s underdevelopment. Therefore, different variables are considered and discussed such as, rule of law, fight against corruption, the courts’ impartiality and independency, investment prospect and finally access to financial resources and loans. In this way, the assumption of the author is that undesired circumstances of the said elements in the above period have led to aggressions against property right, specially the property right of the production sector. This insecurity has caused growth of unproductive sector and increase in renrier sector; it has prevented any initiatives and entrepreneurship the result of which is underdevelopment of Iran.

The paper illustrates the provisions of the Comprehensive Safeguard Agreement, Additional Protocol and JCPOA, in terms of the inspectors’ access to military sites and the restrictions thereof. The NPT and the comprehensive safeguard agreements have not envisaged any discretionary power for the IAEA regarding the access to military sites of the States Parties. Neither the Addition Protocol has foreseen such a right. JCPOA has a sophisticated and clear provisions but not a right to access to military sites and any such an access is subject to consent and voluntary cooperation of Iran.

The paper examines that recent referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq with due attention to the root causes and obstacles that may prevent establishment of an independent state in the region. According to its findings, the Kurdish nationalism is affected by different elements including historic conditions, geopolitical significance, recent regional developments in the Middle East and involvement of some of the extra regional great powers as well as regional powers. In the meantime, geopolitical isolation, opposition of the regional powers, namely, Iran and Turkey, lack of international support and the Kirkuk issue are among the main obstacles of such an establishment.

Given the legal reasons, the paper highlights that the Israeli clash with the Gaza strip is not an internationally armed conflict and therefore the Gaza strip blockade is not a legitimate action. Furthermore, if this clash is assumed as an armed conflict, it is not legitimate as the Israeli regime has not met the International Humanitarian Law. Discarding the principle of “ not to use famine as a weapon against civilians” is the main reason to prove illegitimacy of the Israeli attempt to impose a sea blockade against Gaza.