Syntactic theory has yet to achieve systematic consistency in distinguishing structure and function, especially as far as the grammar of English is concerned, before the two could be integrated in a unified model. That inconsistency has prevented progress at fundamental levels, such as an accurate description of parts of speech. A successful treatment of “stylistic reordering” is another such fundamental problem area. This paper argues that such non-canonic word orders as extraposition for focus, fronting for topicalization, middle-field topicalization, locative inversion, and passivization can be accounted for if we assume an argument structure level that is subject to information management. Reorderings at this level are then presented to syntax at the interface level of (Merge), which will select lexically stored syntactic templates to accommodate the arrangement of arguments. In this arrangement is the potential for a universal base that underlies movement languages (English) and non-movement languages (Chinese) alike. Without a principled account of functions arrayed in lexical arguments prior to (Merge), the selection of any such templates would appear arbitrary.

The present study examines the (Merge) position of internal argument of the verb during the derivation process of the hierarchical structure by pure syntactic criteria. In the Kurdish language, internal arguments of the verb have a variety of positions in the linear sequence corresponding to the generated structure; sometimes they are placed before, and sometimes after the verb (CPs after the V, and NPs before the V (in the unmarked sequence). It is, therefore, challenging phenomenon to determine the (Merge) position of the internal arguments of the verb. On the one hand, drawing on the Uniformity of Theta-role Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH) (Baker, 1988). Moreover, the empirical evidence such as the nominal nucleus arrangement in the Kurdish language, which is described by the CP, will be the bases for the analysis that, regardless of their syntactic category, the (Merge) position of the internal arguments into a single, fixed position and different linear order patterns are the results of some kind of movement. The issue of linearization has been studied within the framework of Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA) (Kayne, 1994) which makes the movement of the object necessary to obtain the desired linear order. This is done by observing Holmberg’ s Generalization (Holmberg, 1986) which follows the movement of the verb. Furthermore, the object movement is done in the form of Copy Theory (Chomsky, 1993) and the absence of CP as the internal object of the verb, prior to the verb in the sequence, is also the result of Final-Over-Final Constraint (Sheehan et al., 2017) which causes the underlying CP to appear in the phonetic part.

This paper investigates the External (Merge) position of the floating quantifier “ hame” (all) in Persian. Quantifier floating has received two major analyses: stranding adverbial. In this paper, the former approach is shown to be more explanatorily justified. The paper provides evidence to indicate that “ hame” is adjoined acyclically to the argument DP after the DP moves from its θ-position, along the lines of Boskovic (2004). More specifically, quantifier floating is shown not to be possible from θ-positions. The evidence comes from the prosodic pattern of Persian unmarked sentences as well as the scope interaction of negation and the floating quantifier “ hame” . In regard to prosodic pattern of Persian unmarked sentences, main sentence stress has been argued by Kahnemuyipour (2009) to mark the left edge of vP. Floating quantifier is shown to occur before the element bearing main sentence stress in unmarked sentences, so it is claimed to be outside of vP, and therefore outside of the θ-position. As regards the second evidence, i. e. scope interaction, in negative sentences containing floating “ hame’ when negation is not focused, ‘ hame’ is constantly out of the scope of negation, and this means that in such sentences, neither the floating quantifier nor its copies are within the ccommanding domain of NegP. To put it another way, the base position of the floating quantifier is higher than NegP, which is argued to be between TP and vP. To determine the position of NegP in Persian, evidence is provided from negation in gerund phrases in Persian, and the scope interaction between manner and speaker-oriented adverbs on the one hand and between these adverbs and negation on the other. Showing that NegP is located between vP and TP within the scope of “ hame” , it is concluded that the External (Merge) position of quantifier is higher than vP, and therefore is outside the θ-domain.

The optimization Model for Evaluating Regional and Global Effects of greenhouse gases reduction policies named (Merge) is an actively usable tool for studying some aspects of the problem of climate change. It is first of all destined for the quantitative estimation of emission trajectories and results of applying abatement measures. In the paper, the emphasis is on the adaptation of the integrated assessment model (Merge) to the modern state of the world and regional economy and on the analysis of possibilities of Russia’s participation in some Kyoto-type initiatives on greenhouse gases emission reduction under different assumptions on the dynamics of regional economic-energetic indices. Calculations with the (Merge) model demonstrated the attainability of the national emission targets: stabilizing the carbon dioxide emissions at 75 per cent of the 1990 level by 2020 with further reducing to 70 per cent by 2030. Some trends in the structure of energy sector and fossil fuel exports are also analyzed.

Wh-coordination is a descriptive term used to refer to configurations where two wh-constituents are conjoined. Wh-coordination bears descriptive resemblances to conventional coordination and multiple wh-questions. However, closer inspection of wh-coordination reveals that it is different in both semantic and syntactic respects. In terms of its semantics, wh-coordination yields a single-pair reading, as opposed to the pair-list reading forced by multiple wh-questions. As for its syntactic properties, wh-coordination violates the Coordination of the Likes Law (Williams 1987), as opposed to conventional coordination. To explain such intrinsic characteristics of wh-coordination, we will advance a syntactic analysis of such constructions in terms of Parallel (Merge) and Multidominance. Crucially, on the basis of their syntactic and semantic peculiarities, it is argued that clauses containing wh-coordination have a bi-clausal structure, with VPs and TPs parallel-(Merge)d, where each wh-constituent is (Merge)d within its respective dominating clause and consequently, the two clauses are conjoined in the CP level. Under this analysis, coordination of the wh-constituents is only apparent; the real coordination occurs at the CP level of clauses containing the wh-constituents. The superficial coordination of the wh-constituents is an epiphenomenon ensuing from the linearization of bi-clausal conjunction.

The purpose of this paper is to present experimental data for merging two outlet fluid skirts in a dual pressure-swirl coaxial injector. In this study, a dual pressure-swirl external mixing injector was designed and fabricated. Operational characteristics including discharge coefficient and breakup length were expressed in terms of different injection pressures for internal and external injectors. Utilizing fast shooting, based on the backlighting method, the interaction between of two outlet skirts were investigated and the (Merge) performance map was extracted. The (Merge) performance map results indicated, when the pressure difference of the external injector increases from 0. 3 bar to 0. 95 bar, the pressure difference of the internal injector for the (Merge) to occur increases. The reason for this increase in this range of external injector injection pressure differences is that, the effect of the internal injector injection pressure for (Merge) in this area is greater than the external injector injection pressure, the external injector skirt is pulled toward the internal injector skirt. For injection pressures difference of more than 0. 95 bar in the external injector, because the effect of the external injector injection pressure for (Merge) is greater than the internal injector injection pressure, the internal injector injection pressure difference is reduced for the (Merge) to occur and the internal injector skirt is pulled toward the external injector skirt.

Introduction In this research, the approach of Citko (2005) to across the board wh-movement was considered. He has proposed the sharing approach in deriving this type of structure for the wh-word under goes “, Across the board”,operation. According to Citko (2005), it happens when two constituents are conjoined and the shared question word, simultaneously meets the case requirement of two separate verbs in two coordinate conjuncts. In this case, the agreement operation is performed simultaneously (Sitko, 2005: 479). For example, ATB, in symmetric (Merge) structure (1), is caused by the parallel (Merge) operation in the multidominant structure, in such a way that first [read] is (Merge)d externally with the question word [what] and at the same time [recommended] is parallel (Merge)d with [what]....