The depiction of the dimensions of the world of children in the Safavid period, such as the history of women, has often been recorded in connection with the events of the court and the elders. Historical sources such as the reports of the travelers and travel writers on the history of children of the Safavid era, including the precise definition of this period, the age limits and all the characteristics of children, do not have enough independence, but repeatedly the advantages and disadvantages of the children in the court, including the princes and other children of the courtiers have been mentioned. Scattered allusions, however, have to some extent reflected the social life of the ordinary and non-court children. This article, while considering the importance of childhood history, tries to answer the question of how the advantages and disasters of the children's history in the Safavid court were determined. It also examines the quality of social life of non-court children. The findings of the study show that the court children including the princes, although enjoyed an advanced and appropriate education system, but in the process of crisis of succession and bloody conflicts and also, from the second half of the Safavid era, by being in the circle of the harem, have suffered from a crisis and serious damage, which often led to murder, mutilation and blindness of the children. Sufferings of the court-affiliated children included becoming child slaves, a sexual commodity and also addiction. In the case of non-court children, although they had some commonalities with the court children, such as in education, textbooks, and religion, they were at risk of disease, war, famine, and rape. Instead, these children enjoyed more freedom of activities and social relationships. This is a library research based on the historical analysis.

AbstractSafavid chronicles are full of narratives of wars, and domestic and foreign military conflicts of the Safavid government. War finds a special place in the historiography of this period, so much so that if an event did not lead to a military conflict, historians would not consider it worthy of being recorded, and its emergence inside historical texts was improbable. Therefore, the narration of the war was of special importance and required an appropriate narrative structure to represent the event and convey the goals behind the narration to the audience. By adopting a descriptive-analytical method and constructing a model of theories related to narration, this research tries to illuminate war narration in Safavid historiography and the goals of historians in recording wars. The results show that, by selecting narrative elements, suppressing or highlighting some components of these elements, historians present a war narrative that aims to represent the Safavid territorial claims, the legitimacy of their rule and actions in war zones and disputed areas.

The issue of legitimacy was one of the theoretical priorities of the Safavid government from both internal and external perspectives. Therefore, the Safavid government was trying to find a suitable answer for the basic issue of legitimacy. The thought patterns of the ancient period, encountered Shiite Imamate, Sufism, theories of Islamic legitimacy and Mongolian traditions. These knowledges, which were the result of previous traditions, faced successive transformations. Therefore, there was a need for a model that can present all these knowledges with a new organization in a new structure. The diversity of sources of legitimation of the Safavid government, in addition to showing the importance of the issue, can show the capabilities of the government in employing these sources to distinguish and differ from the legitimacy of previous periods and ages. Now the question is, how did the sources of historiography shape and explain their legitimizing discourse based on the model of “, God's shadow”, ? The current research is organized using the method of “, concept of history”, , and the “, text interpretation approach”, . It claims that the Safavids established a legitimacy system based on the discourse of Zellu-l-lahi by using multiple legitimizing sources that were already formed. The concept of "shadow of God" which is its definition, in the structuring of multiple sources of legitimacy, has started to sanctify the government.

Philosophy of science, which is very close to epistemology, is a kind of compound or limited epistemology that studies science with an external view and studies the knowledge and analysis of various theories that are used in science. In other words, the philosophy of history is the same as the critical philosophy of history. The present article uses descriptive, analytical and comparative methods to compare the position of philosophy of history in the view of historians of Safavid Iran and medieval Europe. It seems that the view of Iranian and European historians in the period under discussion has been similar in terms of focusing on the linearization of the beginning and end of history, determinism, elitism, fatalism and theological thinking. However, it should be said that the above cases were different in both currents in terms of intensity, weakness and examples. In addition, the position of history in the views of Safavid historians may have been superior to medieval Europe in some respects; First, Safavid historiography focused on Shiite theology, which was not only religious and rational, but also emphasized the legitimate use of theistic pleasures in this world, along with the emphasis on the mortality of the material world, while the focus of the medieval European historians was Catholic theology, which essentially emphasized pessimism about the material world. Second, in Safavid historiography, the Iranian man has a distinct identity, while the middle European historian portrays a confused face of a Western man suffering from an identity crisis. Third, unlike medieval European historians, some Safavid historians, including Abdi Beg Shirazi and Iskandar Beg, have offered more plausible explanations of the historical events, taking into account some social and economic issues. Fourth, Safavid historiography is quantitatively (from extensiveness and diversity aspects) superior to medieval Europe.

The number of illustrated historical manuscripts which survived from Safavid time, are very few in comparison with other illustrated literary works of this era and also the illustrated historical texts of their Muslim neighbors-Ottoman and Mughal of India. So, Scholars believe that Safavids were not interested in the illustration of their history, and that it shows a break from Iranian tradition of illustrating history which came back at least to Sasanids. Scholars consider this unwillingness to the illustrating of history as a result of the qualities of Safavid painting, such as following common models and avoiding realism, which separated their painting from their counterparts. In respect, the scholarly writings on picturing history in Safavid era are also rare in comparison with the surveys on other artistic products of Safavid history, and the importance and function of Safavid historical pictures are almost unstudied. So, this article besides introducing scholars’ approaches to the illustrating of history in Safavid time, and evaluating their comments on this issue, tries to give a better vision to illustrating history in Safavid Persia by surveying where and why they illustrated their history. Through the written and visual collected data and with a descriptive-analytic method, we will prove that, contrary to the common approach, Safavids were not reluctant to picturing their history, but they had so many ways for doing this. Illustrating Nonhistorical manuscripts (especially Shahnama), wall painting and single page painting are the mostly used grounds for Safavids to illustrate their history. To some extent, Wall paintings and single page paintings by historical themes, in the second half of Safavid era, replaced the illustrated historical manuscripts in earlier times, which may cause the fewer number of survived illustrated historical manuscripts. By the way we will show that the number of remained illustrated manuscripts cannot show that Safavids hadn’ t illustrated their histories, because many environmental or human factors may Couse damage or loss of these products. In fact what made Safavid illustration of history different, was not the number of illustrated historical manuscripts or even the number of miniatures in the whole manuscript, but were the aim and operation of these pictures in their visual system. They didn’ t show historical details and were totally ignorant about the facts. They didn’ t show the real face of real individuals, but the ideal portrait of ideal heroes. Safavid historical illustrations, unlike those of Ottomans and Mughals of India, were not the exact visual documents of history which show everything in the way it looks, instead, they were visual representations of the glory and might of the court or anyone who supported the illustrating project. So they were really important in showing of prestige and dignity and also projecting the visual ideals of visible things, such as the king or things related to him.

Iranian historiography during the Safavid era affected by religious upheavals and intellectual and political developments, witnessed the emergence and evolution of a new approach towards Time and techniques for recording history. The most important feature of this historiography was the continuance of pre-Safavid models and regulations on the one hand, and the formation of typical Safavid structure of historiography continued to be practiced and historians recorded events based on the previous models. What distinguishes this era from the historiography point of view is the gradual penetration of Shiite doctrines into the mind of historiographer and its reflecting in the historical texts. Ever since, Shiite cosmology and ideological themes became fundamental to the minds of historians, and the historical view base on the specific political understanding of this era and he distinct Shiite theory on the categorization of Time became pervasive. The present article is a brief research on emergence of and development of Iranian historiography during the Safavid era. This is achieved by the introduction of contemporary viewpoints towards historiography of the era, its procedures and classification of different types of the Safavid historical texts from 1038 to 1148AH/1629 to 1736AD.

Responding to the medical needs of every community is done in the form of their medical system. This study is based on the foretold logic of how the general approach and understanding of the plague was during the Safavid era in Iran; the atmosphere of medical discourse and how the hardship of the plague was handled. The findings of this study based on cross-sectional method shows that the medical system in the Safavid era of Iran used different aspects of Galenic medicine with the mindset of Teaching and the views of Islamic medicine and folk medicine in the approach to the plague. Cognitively, lack of understanding and ignorance of the pathogen, confusion and behavioral approach to treatment approaches followed that is why preventing the disease was a priority and different methods were used not to cure the illness but to treat the symptoms. The subsequent resultsof the plague outbreak in the Safavid era was mass death, economic problems famine and insecure roads

By the rise of the Safavid government with the claim of Siyā da, the role of Sā dā t and the position of Siyā da in the history of Iran on the contrary to previous periods, entered a new stage. Thus, the two concepts of Sā dā t and Siyā da in the historiography of the Safavid period became special. The main issue of this research is considering the role of Sā dā t and the position of Siyā da in the historiography of the Safavid period. Findings of this research which has been done by historical method indicate that historiographical sources of that period by emphasizing three categories of founder attribution of Safavid dynasty, the main role of Karkiya Sā dā t in the establishment of the Safavid government, and the role of the triad Sā dā t in the Battle of Chaldoran paid especial attention to the concept of Siyā da. The predominant attention of historical sources to these three categories emphasizing Sā dā t's actions in the events of the Safavid period and Sā dā t's attention to the historiography indicates the changes of the Siyā da position and the role of Sā dā t's social group in creating a dominant discourse in the historiography of the Safavid period.

The philosophy of science, which is closely related to epistemology, is a type of additional or limited epistemology that studies sciences from an external perspective and makes the recognition and analysis of various theories used in science the subject of study. In other words, the philosophy of history is the critical philosophy of history. Using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods, this article aims to compare the position of the philosophy of history in the opinion of historians of Safavid Iran and medieval Europe. It seems that the views of Iranian and European historians in the discussed period were similar in terms of focusing on linear thinking of the beginning and end of history, determinism, elitism, fatalism and theological thinking. But it must be said that the above mentioned cases in both currents have differences in terms of intensity and weakness and examples. In addition, perhaps the position of the science of history in the eyes of Safavid historians was superior to that of medieval Europe in several aspects,First, The fact that Safavid historiography focused on Shia theology, which was not only religious and rational, but also emphasized the mortality of the material world and the legitimate use of God-given pleasures in this world. While the intellectual axis of the historian of the middle century of Europe was Catholic theology, which basically emphasized pessimism towards the material world. Second, that in Safavid historiography, the Iranian man has a clear identity, while the middle European historian introduces a confused and identity-crisis figure of the Western man. Third, unlike medieval European historians, some Safavid historians including Abdi Bey Shirazi and Iskandar Bey, while paying attention to some social and economic issues, have provided more reasonable explanations of historical events. Fourth, the historiography of the Safavid era is superior to medieval Europe in terms of quantity (expansion and diversity).