Purpose: This paper examines histories written by Iranian COMMUNISTS in the decade immediately after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The purpose is to explore outstanding characteristics of their works.Method/Research Design: Data is gathered and analyzed from library and archival resources.Findings: Characteristics of the works include ideological approach, exaggeration, producing new discourse, pro-Soviet attitude, lengthy backgrounds, advocating international communism, slandering opponents, refusing to accept responsibility for past events, and combating imperialism.

Iran's relation with one of the largest countries, that is, Russia (The Soviet Union) has under gone many changes. One of the brilliant examples of the changing policies of Russia towards Iran is, no doubt, the years 1941 to 1953. In this period, most of graceful communist parties' rise and fall is making relations between Iran and Russia. Tudeh party, Ferghe Democrate Azerbaijan and Ferghe Democrate Kurdestan are some of the communist movements in Iran which are noticeable and researchable. However, this essay tries to answer the following questions: 1. was not the Soviet Union policy towards Iran neo-colonialist? 2. To what extent were the relations between Iran and the Soviet Union adjusted in accordance with the communist ideology? 3. were the communist parties of Iran in harmony with the needs of Iranian peasants, workers, or were they the chief protectors of soviet interests? It is remind able that in Iran there have been several powerful levels such as a: Army, b: Majlis, c: Royal Court, d: Political parties, e: People and religious Leaders and f: Foreign Embassies. These levels, sometimes in group of two, three or more and sometimes in loneliness affected the political Social –Economical, religion, militarily and culturally lives of Iran. In the era of 1949-1953 this is the role of Russian Embassy which brought about many changes.

During Reza Shah reign, propagandists of communist ideas were arrested and sent to exile. The policy of government in exile was different from that of other dissidents. The main purpose of this research is to determine which policy has been chosen and based on what elements. The hypothesis of this study shows that the enthusiasm of propaganda and spying activities of COMMUNISTS in the first half of the year influenced the kind of government’ s encounter with them, which can be seen in the choice of exile, the provision of their jobs and their livelihood, and the duration of their exile. This research is based on descriptive analytical method and with the help of archival documents and archival sources. Wherever possible, there are numbers used for analysis. The findings of this research show that the entanglement of Soviet propaganda and spy activities during Reza Shah reign caused the government’ s action to send communist to exile, and deportees with an inappropriate climate for them were considered. Communist activists were sent to exile from mostly frozen regions to religious, warm, dry, and domestic communities. Also due to the mixing of the propaganda and spying activities of these exiles and despite the fact that they were specialized forces that could be used to revitalize the era of Reza Shahi, they were strictly used to approach the security approach and were not using their capacity. Contrary to other exiles, Reza Shah’ s regime maintained their approach to send COMMUNISTS on exile than exiled nationals. Exiles who year reform were usually exiled for several months to one year, but the end of the opposed the three exile period for exile activities was unclear and was not allowed to be freed. The punishment for exile in based imprisonment, and a person has spent a certain this period is a criminal offense, unlike time period in prison; however, in relation to exile during this period and in relation to communist and exiled exiles, time is not at all considered and the place of exile is important and there is no time for the end of the exile, and the time has come for the exiles to be released on September 13, 1941.

The Union of Iranian COMMUNISTS, known as "Sarbedaran, " despite all precautions taken by its leaders, faced a decisive defeat in the Amol incident on January 26, 1982. This event has continually occupied the minds of political actors and historical researchers. However, despite its importance, it has rarely been the subject of scientific debate. Therefore, this study addresses the fundamental question: What were the political and military reasons behind the failure of the Union of Iranian COMMUNISTS in the Amol incident? Utilizing a descriptive-analytical method, it has been determined that atheistic ideology, lack of popular support, absence of clear and popular goals and motivations, misunderstanding of the societal revolutionary conditions and existing potentials within the ruling governance, incompatibility with religion, local culture, and customs, failure to adapt theories to realities, human factors prevailing over natural ones (forest), adherence to purely imported theories and models, failure to align with opposing groups, and consequently a lack of coordinated strategy in the forest, loss of forces, internal divisions within the union, and ultimately lack of key factors for insurrection were significant contributors to their defeat. Additionally, one should not overlook the advantages and political-military support from official institutions and organizations, including popular backing, in the significant political-military action of the Union, namely the Amol incident of January 26, 1982.

This article seeks to examine the aims of publication the prison memoirs of individuals and political groups during the Pahlavi regime. One of the main functions of publication the COMMUNISTS memories in Reza Shah's prison was the propaganda for the benefit of the Tudeh Party. The memoirs also were a manifesto against the regime and delegitimize it. The Pahlavi regime also published some jail memoirs in support of its ideology and interests with attracting some prisoners. The memories of Pahlavi regime prisoners after the Islamic Revolution have also been published with the aim of delegitimizing the regime, legitimizing the revolutionary groups and delegitimizing the counter-revolutionary groups. In their representations of imprisonment, storytellers have standardized the behavior of their own groups as "normal" and rejected their "other" in various ways. The publications of memoirs have a function in "Political Post-Revolutionary Events Now" and resulted in the elimination of some individuals and political groups.

Afghanistan has experienced a bitter history during20th century. The collapse of monarchy regime, COMMUNISTS take over, occupation of country by Soviet Red army, civil war between different factions and finally Taliban's take power were part of that history to be mentioned. Taliban, as an extreme Islamist group were supported by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. The Taliban in turn gave support to Al-Qaeda group who managed 9/11terrorist attacks which consequently led to the United States and Western countries attack on Afghanistan. The collapse of Taliban group led to the establishment of a new government by Hamid Karzai.After the establishment in Afghan government the Pakistani's intervention in Afghanistan internal affairs helped Taliban's power revival once again. This forced Afghanistan and foreign forces to negotiate with moderate wing of Taliban group in order to share power with them. These attempts were due to keep peace and order in Afghanistan. These attempts have not yet reached to a desirable result. The article aimes to deal with the problem regarding to the future of Afghanistan.

1. Introduction: In the present study, attempts have been made to decode Nader Ebrahimi's ideological and political stance on contemporary political history In Smokeless Fire based on the theory of Critical Discourse Analysis. Nader Ebrahimi, as a result of historical developments between the publication of the first three volumes (1980) and the other four volumes (1992) of his work, i. e. the arrest and eradication of opposition groups in Iran and the attenuation of communist slogans worldwide, embarks on fabricating history in the last four volumes of the novel Smokeless Fire, and by creating a new discourse in the story, he seeks to direct and control harmonized ideologies and beliefs among the people. He demonstrates contemporary left-wing guerrillas and COMMUNISTS as protagonists and heroes in the story, while portraying all the political movements and partisan wars of the 60s and 70s with emphasis on the role of these groups. To justify and inculcate this bias, he resorts to the generation of semantic contradictions and deliberate eradication of actions undertaken by opposition groups. He also underscores his advocacy for political groups by making the Islamist and nationalist political groups, “ the others” . . .

The study of the victory and the continuation of the post-Commedist foreign policy of the moderate Kamalists in a social environment that, for nearly a century, Westernization and secularism were the most important basis for social, political and cultural change, is the basis of this article. Based on this, using the method of qualitative research and documentary sources, we are looking to answer this question: Is there any significant change in the foreign policy of the country with the empowerment of post-COMMUNISTS in Turkey since the Kemalists era? Is? In response, and with a comparative approach and an explicit explanation of Turkey's relations with the Middle East, the European: union: , the Zionist regime, we are witnessing a serious change (or breakdown) in Turkey's foreign policy during the rule of our Party of Justice and Development. On the one hand, this approach, based on the principles of foreign policy, also emphasizes the development of the post-Kamalist foreign policy model and, on the other hand, presents the bilateral relations between Turkey and the western and eastern states according to the temporal and spatial conditions.

Naqshbandi is a moderate and shari’a abided order that attributed to Khwaja Baha al-Din Muhammad Naqshband Bukhari (717-791 AH). This order in the 9th/15th century entered to Bosnia by the Ottomans. In fact 'Iyni dadeh and Shamsi dadeh, the famous sheikhs of the order were the first representatives of the Naqshbandi order in Bosnia. Good behavior of the followers of this order, that most of them were the intellectuals, caused the development of Naqshbandi at different levels of the society and then the order became the most influential Sufi brotherhoods in Bosnia. So that, they are known as "the native order of Bosnians." During the 6th and 7th / 18th and 19th centuries, the network of the Naqshbandi's tikyah was established in various cities of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This order in the twentieth century, when the communist regime sought to destroy Islam and Sufism in the region, played an important role in dealing with them. So, it can be claimed that the defeat of the COMMUNISTS in the areas was the result of the presence and activity of Spiritual leaders of Naqshbandi.

In the upcoming research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using library sources, historical documents, newspapers, it seeks to answer the question that the performance of the National Assembly (14th) from the beginning of its formation to its dissolution based on the role What was the performance of Soviet, British and factions?The findings of the research indicate that the intervention of the Soviet Embassy in Tehran in the matter of elections was mainly for the purpose of choosing fifty-five representatives from five provinces of the country from among the COMMUNISTS and the henchmen of the Soviet government and enter the parliament. And the whole effort of the British government was to prevent the election of people who are partners with their enemies and cooperate with them. Also, the factions created at the beginning of the work of the 14th Parliament were also formed due to personal interests, and for this reason, the number of people in them increased or decreased. However, these factions did not have unity of opinion among their representatives and their positions were not clearly defined. As a result, there were difficult conflicts between the members of the parliament and between the governments and the parliament.