Sayyid Mohammad Baqir Sadr is amongst those few Muslim thinkers theorizing on thematic exegesis of Holy Quran. The fundamental concept of his theory is Istintaq that means to ask Holy Quran new questions and to get suitable responses from it. Due to Sadr's summary theory on one hand and the efficiency of this theory on the other hand, the elaborating on this theory is essential.The similarity between dialogue model in Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutics and Istintaq model in Sadr's theory paves the way for reviewing of Sadr's theory and illuminating the hidden aspects of it through asymmetric comparative study.This study can make clear some components in Sadr's theory like the dialogue between interpreter and Holy Quran, the various layers of the meaning of Quran, the different layers of exegete's understandings, to raise questions based upon new needs and to receive suitable replies. In addition to illuminating the hidden aspects of Sadr's theory, this essay also emphasizes the importance of thematic exegesis besides running one.

Thematic interpretation, as a solution proposed by Martyr Sadr for active confrontation with the Qur'an and discovering its theory on various topics and issues, has different levels, the main focus of which is question design (Istintaq). Despite the widespread acceptance of this approach by contemporary Qur'anic scholars and the production of many works with an interpretive approach, some shortcomings in it call into question the " Qur'anic nature of the researcher's efforts result." Despite the efforts of some experts to refine and complete this approach, due to the lack of focus on the focal points in the challenges of thematic interpretation, This article uses the methods of description, analysis and inference to the critical readings of the process of question design, and the proposed strategies for the fulfilment of Qur'anic theorizing have not been entirely successful. Passivity in the face of the issue and problem, lack of a comprehensive plan to refer to the whole Qur'an and failure to explain the position of Ahl al-Bayt in understanding the Qur'an are the three critical harms. There are three ways to eliminate these harms. First, before entering into interpretation, should present the paradigm of subject and issue to the Qur'an. Then, we should do the broad Quranic finding implication by reviewing all the Qur'an verses. Finally, for initial understanding of the verses and completing and developing the concepts resulting from the Qur'anic study and recognizing the relevant practical dimensions, refer to the narrations.

This study seeks to explicate a model of the political system and the ideal state based on the Holy Qur’an, adopting a systems approach within the framework of political philosophy. While Qur’anic studies are commonly situated within jurisprudential, mystical, or theological frameworks, this article moves beyond these conventional approaches to discover and infer the components of a divine system of governance distinct from secular models. The ultimate objective of this political system is the realization of the divine command to establish the religion (iqamat al-din), as emphasized in the verse: “He has ordained for you of religion what He enjoined upon Noah … [saying], ‘Establish the religion’” (Qur’an, al-Shura 42: 13). Accordingly, one dimension of establishing the religion—addressed to all monotheistic worshippers—is fulfilled through recognizing and instituting Islamic systems. The innovation of this research operates on two levels. First, a systemic innovation that, by offering a structured framework, enables deep and comprehensive comparison with other political systems. Second, an innovation in content and concepts, which introduces fundamental and distinctive components—such as taqwa (piety), tazkiya (purification), the linkage of leadership to tawhid (monotheism), and the precedence of the ummah and leadership over the state—as integral elements of the Qur’anic political theory. Methodologically, the study combines inferential analysis with the theory of signification—employing the three levels of denotative, implicative, and necessary meanings—alongside the method of istintaq al-Qur’an (interrogating the Qur’an). Through this approach, the article proposes a novel divine model of governance whose ultimate end is establishing the religion, and contends that a return to its foundations delineates the path to human felicity and salvation. The central question addressed is: What structure and functions characterize the Qur’anic model of the political system? To answer this overarching question, eight subsidiary questions are examined based on a systems-analytical framework. First, regarding the necessity of establishment, the findings indicate that the Qur’an—by emphasizing the command to establish the religion and the need to ensure comprehensive security encompassing both worldly life and the Hereafter—deems the formation of a divine state necessary. This necessity is also reflected in Qur’anic narratives, such as the story of Talut. Second, concerning constituent elements, in addition to the four elements common to all states (territory, population, government, and sovereignty), the Qur’an highlights three exclusive pillars: tawhid as the foundation, divine leadership as the axis, and Islam as the comprehensive roadmap. Third, in analyzing the boundaries of the Islamic political system, a structural distinction is observed. At the operational level of the state, geographical and contractual borders are recognized,however, at the identity level of the ummah and leadership, Islam is universal and transboundary. This distinction offers a solution for reconciling the universality of religious teachings with the practical realities of governance. Fourth, with respect to the power network, the criteria for selecting officials include merit, expertise, trustworthiness, and justice. The use of non-Muslims in non-sovereign and service-oriented positions—subject to specific regulations—is considered permissible. Moreover, the participation of women in the sphere of social management is affirmed, based on Qur’anic verses and precedent. Fifth, the decision-making center resides in divine leadership, whose legitimacy is intrinsic and derives from God. This leadership exercises final authority within the framework of Sharia, utilizing consultation (shura) as a method and allegiance (bay‘a) as public confirmation and commitment. In times of crisis, this central authority is strengthened to preserve the system. Sixth, the scope of authority and duties of the Islamic state is extensive, encompassing both fixed matters (such as the promotion of monotheism, provision of multidimensional security, implementation of justice, and enjoining good and forbidding evil) and contingent matters (responding to the changing needs of society). The state is obligated to provide a good life (hayat tayyiba) for all citizens, while respecting privacy, unless an overriding public interest necessitates otherwise. Seventh, in analyzing the process of power, the Qur’an outlines three overarching models: the ideal model of love and affection, which establishes relationships grounded in faith and beneficence,the model of religious democracy, which, within the framework of Islamic rulings, is based on participation and consultation,and the condemned tyrannical (taghuti) model, founded on despotism and transgression. Eighth, regarding feedback, the Qur’an establishes a robust and active oversight system through the key principle of enjoining good and forbidding evil. Accordingly, constructive criticism and protest by the people against governmental decisions—within criteria such as justice and anti-corruption—not only are permitted but are necessary to ensure the health and dynamism of the system. In sum, by moving beyond prevailing approaches in Qur’anic studies and relying on the methods of istintaq (a thematic–analytical reading of the Qur’an), systems analysis, and signification, this research succeeds in extracting a coherent and innovative model of the ideal political system from the Holy Qur’an.