Practical mysticism begins with self-purification and asceticism. On the spiritual journey and the path to ascension to God, wayfarers are to ward off bodily and moral impurities as well as torments of the soul to reach the very first peace and serenity. Corrupting the soul will bring about unfortunate consequences for human beings. He who strives to purge the soul of vices and to vest in virtues will absolve the carnal soul, thereby achieving a righteous one. As one of the most salient works attributed to the infallible Imam, Nahj al-Balaghah entails exemplary eloquence of practical mysticism. Likewise, Awarif al-Ma'arif viewed as the other reliable source rich in practical mysticism has attracted the attention of mystics for many centuries. The present study employs a descriptive-analytic design in the form of the library research method to collect the data. The purpose of the study is to compare the necessity and outcomes of self-purification in the two books in question. The results of intertextual content analysis of Awarif al-Ma'arif and Nahj al-Balaghah manifest that self-purification stands at the forefront and that nurturing the self is of paramount importance in these two esteemed masterpieces.

"Ma'arif al-Haqayiq fi Tahqiq al-Daqayiq" falls under the category of mystical writings. The author, Mirpadshah, identifies himself in his book as a descendant of Mir Haider Kasbi, a sheikh of the Naqshbandi sect. Mir Haider Kasbi's grave is now a shrine in the province of Nakhshab (currently Qarshi). He is a relative of Khwaja Saad and the author of "Ma'arif al-Haqayq" and "Izah al-Istlahat Va Tafsil Al-Maqamat". Written in 1003 AH during the reign of Abdullah Bahadur Khan, "Ma'arif al-Haqayq" is a commentary on "Lama'at" by Fakhr al-Din Iraqi, inspired by a man named Mirak Sufi. The author defines and explains mystical concepts at the beginning of the book. He also adds his explanations while writing Iraqi's words, whom he calls Musannef. He writes down the words of the Iraqi in red and his explanations in black. This document lacks history, including articles, dissertations, and books; however, Iraqi's existing explanations are given as background. The thorough definitions of mystical terminology are found in the preface of the version and in the section preceding the main text, which are not found in other explanations and are considered innovative. There are no duplicate manuscripts for this version. It is readable, written by the author, and contains very few omissions. The detailed description of the text "Lamaat" combined with the thorough explanations of the mystical terms, the detailed explanations of mystical terms, the elegant and eloquent choice of words, the use of literary structures such as similes, the abundance of adjectives and the information of the Naqshbandi sect make this description an effective example. During the time regarded as the decline of Persian prose, it is of great importance for prose. The command of mystical topics and the coherence of the author's writing remind me of Lahiji's account of Shabestari’s "Golshan Raz." It must therefore be corrected, in order to provide the audience with a comprehensive description of the Lamaat, in addition to the richness of spiritual literature.

The Holy Quran in several verses has dealt with the different aspects of the life of Jesus (PBUH) particularly when he spoke in the cradle. This case study that how an infant in the cradle could speak is the main point of discrepancy among commentators. It is well known that the Jesus (PBUH) talked [to the people] during his infancy, and it has always been considered as a divine miracle that removed the charge of impurity from the Blessed Virgin Mary and it also proved his divine prophecy. According to some scholars, however, the Holy Quran does not specifically claim that Jesus spoke in infancy. To them the event took place when Jesus was around two or three years old. They hold that although a child can normally speak at this age; but the wise words of Jesus (PBUH), in response to the suspicion of his motherchr('39')s impurity at an age of which the child has no understanding, made the audience consider it a divine sign. The present article, while going deep to the origin of the problem, has criticized this notion maintaining that such an interpretation is unacceptable due to its incompatibility with the rational reason, the wisdom of speech in the cradle, and its inconsistency with the context of verses and the data provided by [Ahadith] narrations.

The book Maʿārif by Bahāʾ al-Walad, as a prominent mystical work, possesses distinctive structural and content-related features that set it apart from other similar texts due to its specific literary genre. This work, employing the language and rhetorical style of religious preachers, expounds upon intellectual, theological, and mystical doctrines, and in doing so, maintains a profound connection with Qur'anic teachings and the Islamic law of Muhammad. In the critical discourse analysis of this work using Norman Fairclough’s approach—at the three levels of analysis (description, interpretation, and explanation)—various layers of language and power in the text can be examined. The main objective of this research is to conduct a critical discourse analysis of Maʿārif by Bahāʾ al-Walad through the lens of Norman Fairclough's framework. The research method employed in this study is descriptive–analytical. The results of the analysis indicated that the critical discourse analysis of Maʿārif using Fairclough's model demonstrates that this mystical text not only conveys religious and mystical teachings but also interacts with the sociocultural and ideological contexts of its time. Bahāʾ al-Walad, by employing a distinctive language and a discourse rooted in spiritual and divine authority, forges a deep connection between mysticism and Islamic law. At the descriptive level, the use of religious and mystical vocabulary and terminology, emphasis on the definitiveness of verb forms, and the influence of Ashʿarite theology in his expression are evident. At the interpretive level, the relationship between the text and the historical-cultural context of the period is analyzed, reflecting the intellectual and social perspectives of the era. Finally, at the explanatory level, Bahāʾ al-Walad’s discourse is introduced as a social practice shaped by spiritual and ideological power, emphasizing individual spirituality and the Islamic identity of the community.

This article tries to criticize this position while showing the old position in Sufism. According to excerpts from the works of Sufis during the fourth to eighth centuries AH (Orad al-Habab: Bakhrezi, Kashf al-Mahjoub: Hujviri, Asrar al-Tawhid: Mohammad ibn Munawwar, Qut al-Qulub: Abu Taleb Makki, Moravvej of religion Lahiji, Adab al-Sufiyyah: Najm al-Din al-Kubra, Qashiriyyah treatise: Abu al-Qasim al-Qashiri, Tazkerat alAwliya: Attar, Awaref al-Ma'arif: Abu Omar Suhrawardi: The etiquette of the dead: Abu Najib Suhrawardi, Al-lam in the description: Abu Nasr Siraj, Anis Al-Taybeen: Ahmad Jam and Mursad Al-Ebad: Najmuddin Razi)There are various mystical beliefs about the old. With the passage of time and the rise of Sufism, the work reached a point where these unconventional and subsequent beliefs and behaviors created room for corruption in some Sufi groups and led to the apparent encroachment on people's lives and property. Let the community understand that day.

The concept of Fitrah is the central element of the anthropological thought of many thinkers of Islamic sciences. The meanings adopted from this concept, however, contrary to its word, are numerous and have caused differences in the explanation and results of it in other fields of humanities. Among the thinkers, Martyr Motahari considered Fitrah to be the "Umm al−Ma'arif" of the Quran and Islamic thought and made it the center of his thought. Therefore, dealing with education in the thought of Martyr Motahari is limited to dealing with the theory of Fitrah in his view. This research was conducted to analyze the meaning of education based on Shahid Motahari's view of the theory of Fitrah. For this purpose, the content analysis method was used and all his written works were examined. The results obtained from the stages of data collection have been classified and analyzed by the content analysis method. The results of this research show that two meanings of Fitrah can be inferred from his thought, one is Fitrah as the way of human creation and the other as the human dimension of man. Each of these interpretations of Fitrah causes various educational implications. As a result, the meaning of education in his thought can be found in the explanation of different themes such as amendment, prosperity, guidance, evolution, and growth.

Abstract One of the most important political and cultural developments in the social history of Iran is the establishment of new schools in the Qajar period; a prolonged process that began in the Naserid period with the invention of the phonetic alphabet by Mirza Hasan Rushdieh and gradually spread from the west of Iran to other regions of the country after overcoming many obstacles in the confrontation between tradition and modernity. After the establishment of Saadat School in Bushehr, the change in Iran's educational structure spread to other southern ports, including Bandar Lenge. The new schools, located directly on the Persian Gulf and at the southern gateway to the country, attracted the attention of foreign businessmen and diplomats. From the very beginning, in the post-constitutional period, the establishment of these schools was met with resistance. However, the schools managed to overcome the oppositions and obtain the approval of the Ministry of Education, so they continued to operate during the Pahlavi period. The present article was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and is based on primary archival sources such as documents and newspapers. The aim of the article is to examine the introduction of new educational methods in the schools in Bandar Lenge. The result shows that social conditions, the performance of various individuals and institutions and foreign support played a decisive role in the establishment of new schools. In addition, the frequent presence of foreigners under the pretext of financial aid and educational support became one of the ways to increase foreign influence. Introduction The early efforts to reform the education system in Iran occurred in Tabriz just before the constitutional revolution. During the reign of Naser al-Din Shah, the Rushdiyyeh phonetic alphabet was introduced, despite facing significant opposition. Mirza Hasan Rushdieh, drawing from his experiences in Beirut and Ottoman Empire and his interactions with French educators, worked diligently to establish schools in other cities. This transformation coincided with Iran's shift towards modernity, leading to a divide between constitutionalists and traditionalists. Some religious leaders initially opposed the new schools, but figures like Sheikh Hadi Najmabadi eventually adopted a supportive stance. The resistance to the constitution and the establishment of new schools was fueled by the involvement of Russia and England, who viewed the empowerment of Middle Eastern populations, particularly in Iran, as contrary to their interests. The press gained freedom during Amin al-Dawlah's presidency, and the first new school in Tehran was founded in 1315 (Islamic calendar) with Amin al-Doulah's support. Abbas Mirza played a crucial role in modernizing Iran's education system by emulating the Ottoman Empire and sending students abroad. Amir Kabir, inspired by Russia's progress, established Dar al-Funun and hired teachers from Austria. These modernists prioritized advancements in neighboring countries, facilitating the alignment of Iran's education with global standards. The construction of Rushdiyeh schools laid the groundwork for various educational institutions and new teaching methods, while highlighting the influence of foreign powers in Iran's internal affairs.   The expansion of new schools extended to Bushehr with the founding of the "Sadat Mozafari" school. Following the constitutional revolution and the onset of World War I, significant changes reshaped Iran's political landscape. The war led to the influx of foreign troops, while the press, supportive of modern education, viewed schools as a means to bridge the East and the West, fostering progress. By 1337 AH, Tehran had fifty-five schools with approximately six thousand students and four hundred teachers. Despite societal resistance, efforts to educate women gained momentum, with advocates emphasizing the benefits of women's education. Champions of new teachings, like Fathali Akhundzadeh and Mishtar al-Dawlah, advocated for changes in the alphabet and instructional methods to drive progress. On the other hand, critics, such as Talebov, attributed students' lack of engagement to the complexity of the alphabet, calling for the incorporation of foreign languages, history, and geography in the curriculum without necessitating religious changes, echoing Rushdieh's approach. Materials and Methods  The research aims to analyze the formation of the new educational system and leading schools in Bandar Lenge from the Naseri period to the coming of Reza Shah. This will be done by using a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on library studies, documents, and the press of the time. The goal is to examine the transition from Qajar and constitutionalism to the first Pahlavi period, paying attention to the quality and quantity of the educational process in this region. The findings reveal significant opposition from jurists and some nobles to the construction of new schools. The social and economic conditions of Bandar Lenge, as well as the influence of certain individuals, played crucial roles in the establishment of schools in the city. The city's coastal location and its political and commercial significance attracted the support of foreign and domestic businessmen and dignitaries, particularly the consulates of Russia, England, France, and German companies. Geopolitical characteristics also influenced the educational changes in Bandar Lenge, similar to the cities of Bushehr, Lengeh, Rasht, and Bandar Anzali. Media coverage highlighted the intellectual, cultural, and educational changes in these cities due to their proximity to sea highways, serving as the civilizational gateway for the south and north of Iran. Several key publications, including those by Masha Allah Ajudani and Ahmad Dashti, shed light on the influence of constitutionalists and the situation of schools in Bandar Lenge. Furthermore, comparing press data and documents revealed discrepancies in the naming of schools, with the title "Third Modern School" being incorrectly applied to the Muhammadiyah School in Bandar Lenge, where it does not appear in the list of new schools in Ma'arif newspaper. This research also delved into noteworthy events such as the first teachers' strike and the need for communication between schools and parents, which had not been addressed in prior research. Additionally, the study highlighted that these schools represent the first generation of paid or non-profit schools in Iran, which were initially known as national schools and remained open until the Reza Shah period. However, some of these schools, especially foreign schools, were taken over by the government after the ascent of the first Pahlavi.   Results and discussion The inception of new education alongside the Iranian constitution marked a significant cultural and political shift, spearheaded by the establishment of Dar al-Funun. This pioneering institution served as Iran's first modern educational establishment, paving the way for the embrace of new facets of civilization and the dispatch of students to Farang. In 1301 AH, Rushdieh founded the initial modern Iranian school in the Caucasus, filling the void left by the absence of infrastructure for modern education in Iran at the time. However, these schools encountered resistance from religious leaders who expressed concerns about moral decay and religious integrity. Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri and other clerics vehemently opposed these schools, viewing them as contradictory to Sharia law. Meanwhile, the press underscored the urgency of enacting regulations for new educational institutions. Administration of Amin al-Doulah's endorsement of progress and culture faced obstacles from the Russians, ultimately leading to Amin al-Doulah's resignation. Despite this, proponents of the new schools contended that these establishments contributed to societal awareness, serving as the foundation for employment and advancement. This process contributed to growing public support for educational institutions, eventually laying the groundwork for the formation of the existing Parents and Teachers Association. In the southern region of Iran, Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi played a pivotal role in advancing modern education. By establishing a school in Bushehr, he introduced innovative teachings and supplanted traditional ones, effectively ushering in a new era of education. The first modern school in Bushehr, established through the efforts of Ahmad Khan Daryabigi, served as a blueprint for other ports in the Persian Gulf. Despite financial constraints and resource shortages, these schools steadily gained significance and influence in enhancing public awareness. The Muhammadiyah School in Bandar Lengeh emerged as a crucial modern educational institution, contending with managerial and financial hurdles. While the school persevered with support from entrepreneurs and local authorities, it grappled with issues such as delayed teacher remuneration and financial constraints. During this period, Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi contributed to reshaping the educational landscape of southern Iran by founding a school in Bushehr and promoting new disciplines, seeking to replace archaic teachings with modern literature and methodologies. Simultaneously, the establishment of French Lazari schools across various Iranian cities set the stage for French cultural and educational influence in Iran. These schools gradually contributed to the evolution of the new educational system, exerting a substantial impact on the development of constitutional law. Under the era of Ahmad Shah Qajar, Iranian education saw the integration of French influence and novel educational practices. However, some families hesitated to enroll their children in these schools. Despite its challenges, the modern education system in southern Iran progressively garnered significance, fostering public awareness and assimilating into the societal and cultural fabric. Ultimately, the approval of the constitutional amendment in 1325 A.H. was a pivotal stride towards formalizing new schools, with subsequent development by the Ministry of Education. These schools gradually wielded influence over public opinion, encouraging widespread pursuit of education and scientific learning. These pivotal educational and cultural transformations became integral to the social and cultural framework, propelling Iran's progress during the constitutional era. This era witnessed the formation of numerous associations advocating for new schools, alongside expansion of cultural and educational initiatives. These changes propelled an upsurge in public awareness and a heightened emphasis on scholarly pursuits. In essence, the advent of new education and training concurrent with the Iranian constitution, as a pivotal juncture in Iranian history, not only revolutionized the educational system but also ushered in broader social and cultural metamorphoses. Conclusion In this scholarly investigation, the foundational role of individuals and influential factors in the evolution of new educational paradigms in Iran was examined. Historical evidence demonstrates that this progression was impacted by the advent of the phonetic alphabet and the innovative instructional approach of Rushdieh, which emulated the educational methods of Rushdieh schools in the Ottoman Empire and drew from the teachings of French educators. Notably, Iran's educational transformations became interlinked with developments beyond its borders, especially during the constitutional revolution when a clash between tradition and modernity emerged. While the establishment of new schools faced opposition from certain elites and clergy, advocates such as Amir Daryabigi, a graduate of Dar al-Funun and an ally of innovative educational initiatives, endeavored to establish the inaugural new school in Bushehr, named Saadat School. Concurrently, Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi spearheaded efforts to reform traditional education and introduce new pedagogical methods in the southern regions, through his familiarity with educational systems in other countries. It is noteworthy that the prevalence of foreign presence—whether in the capacity of political figures or businesspersons—significantly influenced the educational landscape, particularly in Bushehr and Lenge. This engagement not only expanded cultural hegemony but also engendered linguistic hybridization, prompting objections from domestic media. The socioeconomic milieu of Bandar Lenge, reinforced by the actions and perspectives of select individuals, emerged as pivotal factors in the establishment of educational institutions within the city. Situated along the Persian Gulf coast and holding a strategic political and commercial stature, Bandar Lenge garnered support from both domestic and foreign entrepreneurs and dignitaries, particularly from the consulates of major European powers and German corporations. During this period, intellectual, cultural, and educational advancements in cities such as Bushehr and Lenge—alongside Rasht and Bandar Anzali—featured prominently in the press, benefiting from their proximity to marine trade routes and their geopolitical significance, which facilitated mutual influence and interaction among these centers.