The title of "seddiq" and the discussions about its referent are among challenging discussions which existed from the first centuries among Shiite and Sunnite scholars and found their way in books on theology and exegesis of the Qur’an. It seems that the reason of this disagreement over specifying the referent of "seddiq" is different narrations that existed in Shiite and Sunni sources. Sunnis recognize Abu-Bakr as the referent of seddiq and based on this opinion took many results in proving accomplishments for him. The importance of this subject is to the extent that some Sunni theologians and interpreters of the Qur’an like Fakhr Razi and Qurtubi posed the authenticity of the caliphate of Abu-Bakr in this way and made reference to the Qur’an as their reason in this case. The present article has scrutinized the transmitted evidences of the both sects and manifested that the narrations clamed by Sunnis - even based on their own rijal sources - are weak and unreliable.

The nationalist historiography of Afghanistan is predominantly based on narratives of male action in the fields of politics, war, and governance, where women are either absent or represented only in relation to men and masculine values. Adopting a critical approach, this article employs qualitative content analysis of the foundational texts of this school to address the question of how the nationalist historiography of Afghanistan has represented the identity and status of women. The aim of the research is to analyze this representation and critique the logic of its androcentric narrative. The necessity of this research lies not in reconstructing the historical narrative, but in exposing the symbolic and discursive mechanisms through which the nationalist historiography of Afghanistan divests women of historical agency and reduces them to a marginal element. The research findings indicate that the nationalist historiography of Afghanistan, beyond merely reflecting the patriarchal structure, actively reproduces the symbolic order of gender inequality. The specific achievement of this analysis is the identification and explication of the systematic pattern of omission, marginalization, or instrumental representation of women in three key areas: "politics," "war," and "society." In the political sphere, women predominantly appear in connection with political marriages and tribal alliances, lacking an independent identity. In war narratives, women are often depicted as "passive motivators," "victims," or symbolic "mediators." In the social arena, their identity is defined under male and tribal affiliations. By critiquing the androcentric model within Afghanistan's nationalist historiographical school, this article emphasizes the necessity of a polyphonic re-reading to restore women's historical agency and achieve a more balanced understanding of the past.IntroductionNationalist historiography in Afghanistan has actively reproduced a value system and social hierarchy based on gender. By centering concepts such as courage, honor, and defense of the homeland – attributes assigned to the male domain – this school has created an ideological framework within which roles are redefined based on gender. The main question is: through what mechanisms has Afghanistan's nationalist historiography represented women, and what have been the consequences of this representation for women's historical agency? A review of the literature shows that, despite significant research on historiographical schools in Afghanistan, a systematic and critical study focusing on the representation of "women" in the foundational texts of this school remains a research gap.Research MethodologyThis research is qualitative and analytical-critical in purpose, employing qualitative content analysis to examine the representation of women in the nationalist historiography of Afghanistan. The research does not aim to reconstruct historical events, but rather to analyze the narrative and discursive logic of historiographical texts and the methods by which the identity and status of women are formulated within them. The research population comprises prominent texts of Afghan nationalist historiography, purposefully selected based on their central role in shaping the dominant narrative. The main body of this research includes works by authors such as Abdul Hay Habibi, Mir Ghulam Mohammad Ghobar, Mohammad Hasan Kakar, Mir Mohammad Seddiq Farhang, Habibullah Rafi', Mohammad Asif Ahang, Mohammad Amin Sayqal, and Abdul Hakim Tabeebi. Data from these works have been categorized and analyzed under three themes: "women and politics," "women and war," and "women and society."Discussion and FindingsWomen and PoliticsThe representation of women in the political sphere is organized around three axes. The first axis is women and political factions, where women are represented as elements dependent on tribes and in relation to men. The frequency of political marriages and the tribal affiliations of princes' mothers are identified as key factors in the formation of political factions. The second axis concerns women in political marriages. Here, women are depicted as victims and as instruments for achieving political legitimacy and economic gain. The third axis concerns women in the political court, where their limited agency is entirely redefined as dependent on tribal prestige or male status.  In this context, harem narratives are recounted not as the lived experiences of women, but from a male perspective to represent the power of kings.Women and WarIn war narratives, women sometimes appear as motivators of war, not due to women's agency, but because of transgressions against honor [namus], which provoke masculine honor [ghayrat]. Also, in limited instances, women are represented in the role of mediators in war, but this mediation is narrated within traditional maternal roles. Narratives of women warriors are also reflected in the nationalist history of Afghanistan, confined to national resistance wars, where women are depicted as supporters of men or as inspirations. Meanwhile, the representation of women as victims of war is very limited, indicating that the depth of their suffering is ignored in this historiography.Women and SocietyIn the nationalist historiography of Afghanistan, the representation of women's social position predominantly occurs under the rubric of subordination to men and the tribe, where women's identity is defined in connection with men and tribal affiliation, devoid of independent identity. In such a narrative, instances of women's independent presence are exceptional and faint. These instances date back to the early twentieth century and the reforms of King Amanullah Khan and brief periods of political openness following the Constitutionalist era. However, these representations are also presented as disconnected events influenced by top-down policies.ConclusionA critical analysis of the foundational texts of the nationalist historiography of Afghanistan demonstrates that this historiographical school, relying on an androcentric logic, has provided an incomplete and marginal representation of women. The quantitative and qualitative absence of women in the major works of this school indicates an epistemic-discursive structure that equates "real history" with male political and military developments. The analysis of the three themes showed that in this historiographical school, women are either omitted or represented instrumentally in relation to male actions. This pattern has transformed the nationalist historiography of Afghanistan into an "androcentric historiography." Therefore, the article emphasizes the necessity of a polyphonic re-reading of history and the restoration of women's historical agency.

Introduction: The issue of justice has long been one of the main concerns of human thought and its nature and mode of realization are essential and fundamental questions of history. Like many philosophical, political, and social questions, the discussion of justice can be tracked in ancient Greece (Plato and Aristotle). Aristotle's view of justice is influenced by his general theory of the hierarchical nature of the world. In his view, since creatures differ in terms of ability and merit, therefore, justice means to treat each person as they deserve it (Tinder, 1995: 54). Justice in social life has two special effects: the implementation of justice and the sense of justice. The implementation of justice is the same as what is sometimes given in the definition of justice at the legislative level, that is, the construction, structure and system of judicial system. In this case, it is not only about the law of justice or the issuance of a just sentence, but rather the general perception and belief that the executive and the judiciary in the courts have adhered to. The present study, considering the importance of the sense of justice in different areas of social life, as well as the important role of mass media in shaping beliefs, ideas and patterns of thinking and collective action in contemporary societies, investigates the relationship between media consumption with the feeling of justice among students of Mazandaran University. Students are considered to be the most important human capital of any country. The historic record of nations had made it clear that any country with interest in human capital achieves high levels of welfare with speed and quality. On the contrary, countries that have suffered stagnation due to their structural weakness or any other reason in developing their thoughts have not performed well in this area (Kalantari, 1993: 55). Accordingly, the questions that this article attempts to answer is: how media consumption can influence audience's feeling of justice? Is the relationship between the amount of media consumption and the feeling of justice differs with different types of media (newspaper, satellite / Internet TV).Material & Methods: A survey method has been used to investigate the relationship between media consumption and feeling of justice among students of Mazandaran University. For this purpose, using the available literature, an appropriate questionnaire was first developed and then data was collected. After questionnaires were filled out, the data were analyzed using SPSS. The population of this study consists of undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate students of Mazandaran University in the first semester of the academic year 1391-92. The number of students enrolled in the campus of Mazandaran University was 9819 at that time. To determine the sample size, Cochran formula was used with 95% confidence level and 5% confidence interval. Based on this, using the Cochran formula, a sample of 370 was nominated, but more than 450 questionnaires were distributed in order to be sure that we could at least have 400 acceptable questionnaires to work on. Sampling was random and proportional in terms of the study major and gender. We divided the students into 10 classes according to their major.Discussion of Results & Conclusions: Out of a total of 400 individuals, 66.3% (265) were female and 33.7% (135) were male. The highest number of respondents (48%) was in the age group of 17-17 years and the lowest number of respondents (1%) were in the age group of 29 years and more. In terms of marital status, single respondents were much more, with 91.7% of them never married, while 7.7% were married and 0.6% had divorced or their spouse had died. Also, the number of undergraduate students was 85.5%, while 13% and 1.5% of the students were in postgraduate studies. Finally, regarding the socio-economic status of the family, more than half of the students (52.5%) belonged to lower class families, while the number of students belonging to families with middle and high socio-economic status were 40.3% and 7.2% respectively. The result show that there is a significant relationship between watching national TV and feeling of justice (P=0.176, Sig=0.001) and also the feeling of justice distribution (P= .137, Sig=0.008). This is a positive relationship which means watching national TV increases the feeling of justice and justice distribution. In contrast, there is a meaningful but negative relationship between watching international TV (satellite) and feeling of justice (P=-0.143, Sig=0.006) and distributive justice (P=.0.151, Sig=0.004). Also, the relationship between Internet use and feeling of justice is not significant (P=0.127, Sig=0.127). Also, the relationship between reading newspaper and feeling of justice is not significant (P=0.122, P=0.824).The results of this study show that the overall feeling of justice in 48.2% of students is low. Meanwhile, the average overall feeling of justice (35.40 out of 100) was also relatively low. These findings are consistent with the results of Ghasemi and others (2010), Hazard Jirobi and Austin Fashan (2009) and Seddiq Sarvestani and Dhaghkele (2008). These results reflect the critical condition of the country in terms of the feeling of justice that is one of the essential components of social stability. The great feeling of injustice may also challenge the legitimacy of the system and increase social misery and unrest, social deviations and reduce the sense of social security (Ahmadi et al., 1393; Delna and Ghanbari, 2006; Rafi Pour, 1998).). So in addition to the effect of media consumption on the feeling of justice directly, this variable can also affect the feeling of justice through feeling of security; the media consumption variable in a structural model has a direct and significant effect on the sense of justice (Khwaja Nouri And Kaveh, 1392). The results of this study also show that there is an inverse relation between the age of respondents and their sense of justice. These findings are consistent with previous research such as Sediq Sarvestani and Dhaghkele (2008).